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ARABIC ( Arabic : العَرَبِيَّة, _al-ʻarabiyyah_ (_ listen ) or Arabic : عَرَبِيّ ʻarabī_ (_ listen ) or ) is a Central Semitic language complex that first emerged in Iron Age northwestern Arabia and is now the lingua franca _ of the Arab world . It is named after the Arabs , a term initially used to describe peoples living from Mesopotamia in the east to the Anti- Lebanon mountains in the west, in northwestern Arabia, and in the Sinai peninsula.
The modern written language ( Modern Standard Arabic ) is derived from Classical Arabic . It is widely taught in schools and universities, and is used to varying degrees in workplaces, government, and the media. The two formal varieties are grouped together as Literary Arabic (_fuṣḥā_), which is the official language of 26 states and the liturgical language of Islam . Modern Standard Arabic largely follows the grammatical standards of Classical Arabic and uses much of the same vocabulary . However, it has discarded some grammatical constructions and vocabulary that no longer have any counterpart in the spoken varieties, and has adopted certain new constructions and vocabulary from the spoken varieties. Much of the new vocabulary is used to denote concepts that have arisen in the post-classical era , especially in modern times.
During the Middle Ages , Literary Arabic was a major vehicle of culture in Europe, especially in science, mathematics and philosophy. As a result, many European languages have also borrowed many words from it. Arabic influence, mainly in vocabulary, is seen in European languages , mainly Portuguese and Spanish owing to both the proximity of Christian European and Muslim Arab civilizations and 800 years of Arabic culture and language in the Iberian Peninsula , referred to in Arabic as al-Andalus . Balkan languages, including Greek , have also acquired a significant number of Arabic words through contact with Ottoman Turkish.
Arabic has influenced many languages around the globe throughout its history. Some of the most influenced languages are Persian , Turkish , Spanish , Maltese , Urdu , Kashmiri , Kurdish , Bosnian , Kazakh , Bengali , Hindi , Malay , Maldivian , Indonesian , Pashto , Punjabi , Tagalog , Sindhi and Hausa and some languages in parts of Africa. Despite being an influential language, Arabic has borrowed words from other languages including Greek and Persian in medieval times, and contemporary European languages such as English and French in modern times.
Classical Arabic is the liturgical language of 1.7 billion Muslims and Modern Standard Arabic is one of six official languages of the United Nations . It is spoken by perhaps as many as 422 million speakers (native and non-native) in the Arab world, making it the fifth most spoken language in the world. Arabic is written with the Arabic alphabet, which is an abjad script and is written from right-to-left although the spoken varieties are sometimes written in ASCII Latin from left-to-right with no standardized orthography.
* 1 Classification
* 2 History
* 7 Arabic alphabet and nationalism
* 9 Dialects and descendants
* 10 Phonology
* 10.1 History
* 10.2 Literary Arabic
* 10.2.1 Vowels * 10.2.2 Consonants * 10.2.3 Syllable structure * 10.2.4 Stress
* 10.2.5 Levels of pronunciation
* 10.2.5.1 Full pronunciation with pausa * 10.2.5.2 Formal short pronunciation * 10.2.5.3 Informal short pronunciation
* 10.3 Colloquial varieties
* 10.3.1 Vowels * 10.3.2 Consonants
* 11 Grammar
* 11.1 Literary Arabic
* 11.1.1 Nouns and adjectives * 11.1.2 Verbs * 11.1.3 Derivation
* 11.2 Colloquial varieties
* 12 Writing system
* 12.1 Calligraphy * 12.2 Romanization * 12.3 Numerals
* 13 Language-standards regulators * 14 As a foreign language * 15 Arabic speakers and other languages * 16 See also * 17 References * 18 External links
Arabic is a Central Semitic language, closely related to the Northwest Semitic languages (Aramaic , Hebrew , Ugaritic and Phoenician ), the Ancient South Arabian languages, and various other Semitic languages of Arabia such as Dadanitic . The Semitic languages changed a great deal between Proto-Semitic and the establishment of the Central Semitic languages , particularly in grammar. Innovations of the Central Semitic languages—all maintained in Arabic—include:
* The conversion of the suffix-conjugated stative formation (_jalas-_) into a past tense. * The conversion of the prefix-conjugated preterite-tense formation (_yajlis-_) into a present tense. * The elimination of other prefix-conjugated mood/aspect forms (e.g., a present tense formed by doubling the middle root, a perfect formed by infixing a /t/ after the first root consonant, probably a jussive formed by a stress shift) in favor of new moods formed by endings attached to the prefix-conjugation forms (e.g., _-u_ for indicative, _-a_ for subjunctive, no ending for jussive, _-an_ or _-anna_ for energetic). * The development of an internal passive.
There are several features which Classical Arabic, the modern Arabic varieties, as well as the Safaitic and Hismaic inscriptions share which are unattested in any other Central Semitic language variety, including the Dadanitic and Taymanitic languages of the northern Hijaz . These features are evidence of common descent from a hypothetical ancestor , Proto-Arabic . The following features can be reconstructed with confidence for Proto-Arabic:
* negative particles _m_ *_mā_; _lʾn_ *_lā-ʾan_ > CAr _lan_ * _mafʿūl_ G-passive participle * prepositions and adverbs _f_, _ʿn_, _ʿnd_, _ḥt_, _ʿkdy_ * a subjunctive in -_a_ * _t_-demonstratives * leveling of the -_at_ allomorph of the feminine ending * _ʾn_ complementizer and subordinator * the use of _f_- to introduce modal clauses * independent object pronoun in (_ʾ_)_y_ * vestiges of _nunation_
Main article: Old Arabic Arabian Languages
Arabia boasted a wide variety of Semitic languages in antiquity. In the southwest, various Central Semitic languages both belonging to and outside of the Ancient South Arabian family (e.g. Southern Thamudic) were spoken. It is also believed that the ancestors of the Modern South Arabian languages (non-Central Semitic languages) were also spoken in southern Arabia at this time. To the north, in the oases of northern Hijaz , Dadanitic and Taymanitic held some prestige as inscriptional languages. In Najd and parts of western Arabia, a language known to scholars as Thamudic C is attested. In eastern Arabia, inscriptions in a script derived from ASA attest to a language known as Hasaitic . Finally, on the northwestern frontier of Arabia, various languages known to scholars as Thamudic B, Thamudic D, Safaitic , and Hismaic are attested. The last two share important isoglosses with later forms of Arabic, leading scholars to theorize that Safaitic and Hismaic are in fact early forms of Arabic and that they should be considered Old Arabic .
Beginning in the 1st century CE, fragments of Northern Old Arabic are attested in the Nabataean script across northern Arabia. By the 4th century CE, the Nabataean Aramaic writing system had come to express varieties of Arabic other than that of the Nabataeans.
OLD HIGAZI AND CLASSICAL ARABIC
In late pre-Islamic times, a transdialectal and transcommunal variety of Arabic emerged in the Hijaz which continued living its parallel life after literary Arabic had been institutionally standardized in the 2nd and 3rd century of the Hijra , most strongly in Judeo-Christian texts, keeping alive ancient features eliminated from the ‘learned’ tradition (Classical Arabic). variety and both its classicizing and "lay" iterations have been termed Middle Arabic in the past, but they are thought to continue an Old Higazi register. It is clear that the orthography of the Qurʾān was not developed for the standardized form of Classical Arabic; rather, it shows the attempt on the part of writers to recording an archaic form of Old Higazi .
In the late 6th century AD, a relatively uniform intertribal ‘poetic koine’ distinct from the spoken vernaculars developed based on the Bedouin dialects of Najd , probably in connection with the court of al-Ḥīra . During the first Islamic century the majority of Arabic poets and Arabic-writing persons spoke Arabic as their mother tongue. Their texts, although mainly preserved in far later manuscripts, contain traces of non-standardized Classical Arabic elements in morphology and syntax. The standardization of Classical Arabic reached completion around the end of the 8th century. The first comprehensive description of the _ʿarabiyya_ "Arabic", Sībawayhi\'s _al_-_Kitāb_, is based first of all upon a corpus of poetic texts, in addition to Qurʾān usage and Bedouin informants whom he considered to be reliable speakers of the _ʿarabiyya_. By the 8th century, knowledge of Classical Arabic had become an essential prerequisite for rising into the higher classes throughout the Islamic world.
Charles Ferguson’s koine theory (Ferguson 1959), claims that the modern Arabic dialects collectively descend from a single military koine that sprung up during the Islamic conquests; this view has been challenged in recent times. Ahmad al-Jallad proposes that there were at least two considerably distinct types of Arabic on the eve of the conquests: Northern and Central (Al-Jallad 2009). The modern dialects emerged from a new contact situation produced following the conquests. Instead of the emergence of a single or multiple koines, the dialects contain several sedimentary layers of borrowed and areal features, which they absorbed at different points in their linguistic histories. According to Veersteegh and Bickerton colloquial arabic dialects arose from pidginized Arabic formed from contact between Arabs and conquered peoples. Pidginization and subsequent creolization among Arabs and arabized peoples could explain morphological and phonological simplicity of vernacular Arabic compared to Classical and MSA.
CLASSICAL, MODERN STANDARD AND SPOKEN ARABIC
See also: List of Arabic dictionaries
_Arabic_ usually designates one of three main variants: Classical Arabic , Modern Standard Arabic and _colloquial_ or _dialectal_ Arabic . Classical Arabic is the language found in the Quran , used from the period of Pre-Islamic Arabia to that of the Abbasid Caliphate . Theoretically, Classical Arabic is considered normative, according to the syntactic and grammatical norms laid down by classical grammarians (such as Sibawayh ) and the vocabulary defined in classical dictionaries (such as the Lisān al-ʻArab ). In practice, however, modern authors almost never write in pure Classical Arabic, instead using a literary language with its own grammatical norms and vocabulary, commonly known as Modern Standard Arabic (MSA).
MSA is the variety used in most current, printed Arabic publications, spoken by some of the Arabic media across North Africa , and the Middle East , and understood by most educated Arabic speakers. "Literary Arabic" and "Standard Arabic" (فُصْحَى _fuṣḥá_) are less strictly defined terms that may refer to Modern Standard Arabic or Classical Arabic.
* Certain grammatical constructions of CA that have no counterpart in any modern dialect (e.g., the energetic mood ) are almost never used in Modern Standard Arabic . * No modern spoken variety of Arabic has case distinctions. As a result, MSA is generally composed without case distinctions in mind, and the proper cases are added after the fact, when necessary. Because most case endings are noted using final short vowels, which are normally left unwritten in the Arabic script, it is unnecessary to determine the proper case of most words. The practical result of this is that MSA, like English and Standard Chinese , is written in a strongly determined word order and alternative orders that were used in CA for emphasis are rare. In addition, because of the lack of case marking in the spoken varieties, most speakers cannot consistently use the correct endings in extemporaneous speech. As a result, spoken MSA tends to drop or regularize the endings except when reading from a prepared text. * The numeral system in CA is complex and heavily tied in with the case system. This system is never used in MSA, even in the most formal of circumstances; instead, a significantly simplified system is used, approximating the system of the conservative spoken varieties.
MSA uses much Classical vocabulary (e.g., _dhahaba_ 'to go') that is not present in the spoken varieties, but deletes Classical words that sound obsolete in MSA. In addition, MSA has borrowed or coined a large number of terms for concepts that did not exist in Quranic times, and MSA continues to evolve. Some words have been borrowed from other languages—notice that transliteration mainly indicates spelling and not real pronunciation (e.g., فِلْم _film_ 'film' or ديمقراطية _dīmuqrāṭiyyah_ 'democracy').
However, the current preference is to avoid direct borrowings, preferring to either use loan translations (e.g., فرع _farʻ_ 'branch', also used for the branch of a company or organization; جناح _janāḥ_ 'wing', is also used for the wing of an airplane, building, air force, etc.), or to coin new words using forms within existing roots (استماتة _istimātah_ 'apoptosis ', using the root موت _m/w/t_ 'death' put into the Xth form , or جامعة _jāmiʻah_ 'university', based on جمع _jamaʻa_ 'to gather, unite'; جمهورية _jumhūriyyah_ 'republic', based on جمهور _jumhūr_ 'multitude'). An earlier tendency was to redefine older word although this has fallen into disuse (e.g., هاتف _hātif_ 'telephone' < 'invisible caller (in Sufism)'; جريدة _jarīdah_ 'newspaper' < 'palm-leaf stalk').
_Colloquial_ or _dialectal_ Arabic refers to the many national or regional varieties which constitute the everyday spoken language. Colloquial Arabic has many regional variants; geographically distant varieties usually differ enough to be mutually unintelligible , and some linguists consider them distinct languages. The varieties are typically unwritten. They are often used in informal spoken media, such as soap operas and talk shows , as well as occasionally in certain forms of written media such as poetry and printed advertising.
The only variety of modern Arabic to have acquired official language status is Maltese , which is spoken in (predominately Catholic ) Malta and written with the Latin script . It is descended from Classical Arabic through Siculo-Arabic , but is not mutually intelligible with any other variety of Arabic. Most linguists list it as a separate language rather than as a dialect of Arabic. Flag of the Arab League , used in some cases for the Arabic language. Flag used in some cases for the Arabic language
Even during Muhammad's lifetime, there were dialects of spoken Arabic. Muhammad spoke in the dialect of Mecca , in the western Arabian peninsula , and it was in this dialect that the Quran was written down. However, the dialects of the eastern Arabian peninsula were considered the most prestigious at the time, so the language of the Quran was ultimately converted to follow the eastern phonology . It is this phonology that underlies the modern pronunciation of Classical Arabic. The phonological differences between these two dialects account for some of the complexities of Arabic writing, most notably the writing of the glottal stop or _hamzah _ (which was preserved in the eastern dialects but lost in western speech) and the use of _alif maqṣūrah_ (representing a sound preserved in the western dialects but merged with _ā_ in eastern speech).
LANGUAGE AND DIALECT
The sociolinguistic situation of Arabic in modern times provides a prime example of the linguistic phenomenon of diglossia , which is the normal use of two separate varieties of the same language, usually in different social situations. In the case of Arabic, educated Arabs of any nationality can be assumed to speak both their school-taught Standard Arabic as well as their native, mutually unintelligible "dialects"; these dialects linguistically constitute separate languages which may have dialects of their own. When educated Arabs of different dialects engage in conversation (for example, a Moroccan speaking with a Lebanese), many speakers code-switch back and forth between the dialectal and standard varieties of the language, sometimes even within the same sentence. Arabic speakers often improve their familiarity with other dialects via music or film.
The issue of whether Arabic is one language or many languages is politically charged, in the same way it is for the varieties of Chinese , Hindi and Urdu , Serbian and Croatian , Scots and English, etc. In contrast to speakers of Hindi and Urdu who claim they cannot understand each other even when they can, speakers of the varieties of Arabic will claim they can all understand each other even when they cannot. The issue of diglossia between spoken and written language is a significant complicating factor: A single written form, significantly different from any of the spoken varieties learned natively, unites a number of sometimes divergent spoken forms. For political reasons, Arabs mostly assert that they all speak a single language, despite significant issues of mutual incomprehensibility among differing spoken versions.
From a linguistic standpoint, it is often said that the various spoken varieties of Arabic differ among each other collectively about as much as the Romance languages . This is an apt comparison in a number of ways. The period of divergence from a single spoken form is similar—perhaps 1500 years for Arabic, 2000 years for the Romance languages. Also, while it is comprehensible to people from the Maghreb , a linguistically innovative variety such as Moroccan Arabic is essentially incomprehensible to Arabs from the Mashriq , much as French is incomprehensible to Spanish or Italian speakers but relatively easily learned by them. This suggests that the spoken varieties may linguistically be considered separate languages.
INFLUENCE OF ARABIC ON OTHER LANGUAGES
See also: List of Arabic loanwords in English
The influence of Arabic has been most important in Islamic countries, because it is the language of the Islamic sacred book, the Quran. Arabic is also an important source of vocabulary for languages such as Baluchi , Bengali , Berber , Bosnian , Catalan , Chechen , Dagestani , English , French , German , Gujarati , Hausa , Hindustani , Italian , Indonesian , Kazakh , Kurdish , Kutchi , Malay , Pashto , Persian , Portuguese , Punjabi , Rohingya , Saraiki , Sicilian , Sindhi , Somali , Spanish , Swahili , Tagalog , Turkish , Urdu , Uzbek , and Wolof , as well as other languages in countries where these languages are spoken.
In addition, English has many Arabic loanwords, some directly, but most via other Mediterranean languages. Examples of such words include admiral, adobe, alchemy, alcohol, algebra, algorithm, alkaline, almanac, amber, arsenal, assassin, candy, carat, cipher, coffee, cotton, ghoul, hazard, jar, kismet, lemon, loofah, magazine, mattress, sherbet, sofa, sumac, tariff, and many other words. Other languages such as Maltese and Kinubi derive ultimately from Arabic, rather than merely borrowing vocabulary or grammatical rules.
Terms borrowed range from religious terminology (like Berber _taẓallit_, "prayer", from _salat _ (صلاة _ṣalāh_)), academic terms (like Uyghur _mentiq_, "logic"), and economic items (like English _coffee_) to placeholders (like Spanish _fulano_, "so-and-so"), everyday terms (like Hindustani _lekin_, "but", or Spanish _taza_ and French _tasse_, meaning "cup"), and expressions (like Catalan _a betzef_, "galore, in quantity"). Most Berber varieties (such as Kabyle ), along with Swahili, borrow some numbers from Arabic. Most Islamic religious terms are direct borrowings from Arabic, such as صلاة (_salat_), "prayer", and إمام (_imam_), "prayer leader."
In languages not directly in contact with the Arab world, Arabic loanwords are often transferred indirectly via other languages rather than being transferred directly from Arabic. For example, most Arabic loanwords in Hindustani and Turkish entered through Persian though Persian is an Indo-Iranian language . Older Arabic loanwords in Hausa were borrowed from Kanuri .
Some words in English and other European languages are derived from Arabic, often through other European languages, especially Spanish and Italian. Among them are commonly used words like "coffee " (قهوة _qahwah_), "cotton " (قطن _quṭn_), and "magazine" (مخازن _makhāzin _). English words more recognizably of Arabic origin include "algebra ", "alcohol ", "alchemy ", "alkali ", "zenith ", and "nadir ".
Arabic words also made their way into several West African languages as Islam spread across the Sahara. Variants of Arabic words such as كتاب _kitāb_ ("book") have spread to the languages of African groups who had no direct contact with Arab traders.
Since throughout the Islamic world, Arabic occupied a position similar to that of Latin in Europe, many of the Arabic concepts in the fields of science, philosophy, commerce, etc. were coined from Arabic roots by non-native Arabic speakers, notably by Aramaic and Persian translators, and then found their way into other languages. This process of using Arabic roots, especially in Kurdish and Persian, to translate foreign concepts continued through to the 18th and 19th centuries, when swaths of Arab-inhabited lands were under Ottoman rule.
INFLUENCE OF OTHER LANGUAGES ON ARABIC
The most important sources of borrowings into (pre-Islamic) Arabic are from the related (Semitic) languages Aramaic , which used to be the principal, international language of communication throughout the ancient Near and Middle East, Ethiopic , and to a lesser degree Hebrew (mainly religious concepts). In addition, many cultural, religious and political terms have entered Arabic from Iranian languages , notably Middle Persian , Parthian , and (Classical) Persian, and Hellenistic Greek (_kīmiyāʼ_ has as origin the Greek _khymia_, meaning in that language the melting of metals; see Roger Dachez , _Histoire de la Médecine de l'Antiquité au XXe siècle_, Tallandier, 2008, p. 251), _alembic_ (distiller) from _ambix_ (cup), _almanac_ (climate) from _almenichiakon_ (calendar). (For the origin of the last three borrowed words, see Alfred-Louis de Prémare, _Foundations of Islam_, Seuil, L'Univers Historique, 2002.) Some Arabic borrowings from Semitic or Persian languages are, as presented in De Prémare's above-cited book:
* _madīnah_/medina (مدينة, city or city square), a word of Aramaic or Hebrew origin מדינה (in which it means "a state"); * _jazīrah_ (جزيرة), as in the well-known form الجزيرة "Al-Jazeera," means "island" and has its origin in the Syriac ܓܙܝܪܗ _gazīra_. * _lāzaward_ (لازورد) is taken from Persian لاژورد _lājvard_, the name of a blue stone, lapis lazuli. This word was borrowed in several European languages to mean (light) blue - azure in English, _azur_ in French and _azul_ in Portuguese and Spanish.
ARABIC ALPHABET AND NATIONALISM
The Beirut newspaper _La Syrie_ pushed for the change from Arabic script to Latin letters in 1922. The major head of this movement was Louis Massignon , a French Orientalist, who brought his concern before the Arabic Language Academy in Damacus in 1928. Massignon's attempt at Romanization failed as the Academy and population viewed the proposal as an attempt from the Western world to take over their country. Sa\'id Afghani , a member of the Academy, mentioned that the movement to Romanize the script was a Zionist plan to dominate Lebanon.
After the period of colonialism in Egypt, Egyptians were looking for a way to reclaim and re-emphasize Egyptian culture. As a result, some Egyptians pushed for an Egyptianization of the Arabic language in which the formal Arabic and the colloquial Arabic would be combined into one language and the Latin alphabet would be used. There was also the idea of finding a way to use Hieroglyphics instead of the Latin alphabet, but this was seen as too complicated to use. A scholar, Salama Musa agreed with the idea of applying a Latin alphabet to Arabic, as he believed that would allow Egypt to have a closer relationship with the West. He also believed that Latin script was key to the success of Egypt as it would allow for more advances in science and technology. This change in alphabet, he believed, would solve the problems inherent with Arabic, such as a lack of written vowels and difficulties writing foreign words that made it difficult for non-native speakers to learn. Ahmad Lutfi As Sayid and Muhammad Azmi, two Egyptian intellectuals, agreed with Musa and supported the push for Romanization. The idea that Romanization was necessary for modernization and growth in Egypt continued with Abd Al-Aziz Fahmi in 1944. He was the chairman for the Writing and Grammar Committee for the Arabic Language Academy of Cairo. However, this effort failed as the Egyptian people felt a strong cultural tie to the Arabic alphabet. In particular, the older Egyptian generations believed that the Arabic alphabet had strong connections to Arab values and history, which is easy to believe due to the long history of the Arabic alphabet (Shrivtiel, 189) in Muslim societies.
ARABIC AND ISLAM
Classical Arabic is the language of poetry and literature (including news); it is also mainly the language of the Quran . At present, Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is also used in modernized versions of literary forms of the Quran. Arabic is closely associated with the religion of Islam because the Quran was written in Arabic, but it is nevertheless also spoken by other religious groups such as Arab Christians , Mizrahi Jews , Druze and Iraqi Mandaeans . Most of the world's Muslims do not speak Classical Arabic as their native language, but many can read the Quranic script and recite the Quran. Among non-Arab Muslims, translations of the Quran are most often accompanied by the original text.
Some Muslims present a monogenesis of languages and claim that the Arabic language was the language revealed by God for the benefit of mankind and the original language as a prototype system of symbolic communication, based upon its system of triconsonantal roots, spoken by man from which all other languages were derived, having first been corrupted. Judaism has a similar account with the Tower of Babel .
DIALECTS AND DESCENDANTS
Main article: Varieties of Arabic Different dialects of Arabic.
_Colloquial Arabic_ is a collective term for the spoken dialects of Arabic used throughout the Arab world , which differ radically from the literary language. The main dialectal division is between the varieties within and outside of the Arabian peninsula, followed by that between sedentary varieties and the much more conservative Bedouin varieties. All of the varieties outside of the Arabian peninsula (which include the large majority of speakers) have a large number of features in common with each other that are not found in Classical Arabic. This has led researchers to postulate the existence of a prestige koine dialect in the one or two centuries immediately following the Arab conquest, whose features eventually spread to all of the newly conquered areas. (These features are present to varying degrees inside the Arabian peninsula. Generally, the Arabian peninsula varieties have much more diversity than the non-peninsula varieties, but have been understudied.)
Within the non-peninsula varieties, the largest difference is between the non-Egyptian North African dialects (especially Moroccan Arabic) and the others. Moroccan Arabic in particular is hardly comprehensible to Arabic speakers east of Libya (although the converse is not true, in part due to the popularity of Egyptian films and other media).
One factor in the differentiation of the dialects is influence from the languages previously spoken in the areas, which have typically provided a significant number of new words and have sometimes also influenced pronunciation or word order; however, a much more significant factor for most dialects is, as among Romance languages, retention (or change of meaning) of different classical forms. Thus Iraqi _aku_, Levantine _fīh_ and North African _kayən_ all mean 'there is', and all come from Classical Arabic forms (_yakūn_, _fīhi_, _kā'in_ respectively), but now sound very different.
Transcription is a broad IPA transcription , so minor differences were ignored for easier comparison.
VARIETY I LOVE READING A LOT WHEN I WENT TO THE LIBRARY I DIDN\'T FIND THIS OLD BOOK I WANTED TO READ A BOOK ABOUT THE HISTORY OF WOMEN IN FRANCE
Literary Arabic in Arabic script (with all vowels) أُحِبُّ ٱلْقِرَاءَةَ كَثِيرًا عِنْدَمَا ذَهَبْتُ إِلَى ٱلْمَكْتَبَةِ لَمْ أَجِد هٰذَا ٱلْكِتَابَ ٱلْقَدِيمَ كُنْتُ أُرِيدُ أَنْ أَقْرَأَ كِتَابًا عَنْ تَارِيخِ ٱلْمَرْأَةِ فِ ي فَرَنْسَا
Classical Arabic (liturgical or poetic only) ʔuħibːu‿lqirˤaːʔata kaθiːrˤaː ʕĩndamaː ðahabᵊtu ʔila‿lmaktabah lam ʔaɟid haːða‿lkitaːba‿lqadiːm kũntu ʔuriːdu ʔan ʔaqᵊrˤaʔa kitaːban ʕan taːriːχi‿lmarˤʔati fiː farˤãnsaː
MODERN STANDARD ARABIC ʔuħibːu‿lqiraːʔa kaθiːran ʕindamaː ðahabt ʔila‿lmaktaba lam ʔad͡ʒid haːða‿lkitaːba‿lqadiːm kunt ʔuriːd ʔan ʔaqraʔ kitaːban ʕan taːriːχi‿lmarʔa fiː faransaː
YEMENI ARABIC (SANAA) ana bajn aħibː ilgiraːji(h) gawi law ma sirt saˈla‿lmaktabih ma lige:tʃ ðajji‿lkitaːb ilgadiːm kunt aʃti ʔagra kitaːb ʕan taːriːx ilmari(h) wastˤ faraːnsa
GULF ARABIC (KUWAIT) aːna waːjid aħibː aɡra lamːan riħt ilmaktaba maː liɡeːt halkitaːb ilgadiːm kint abi‿(j)aɡra kitaːb ʕan taːriːx ilħariːm‿(i)bfaransa
GəLəT MESOPOTAMIAN (BAGHDAD) aːni‿(j)aħub luqraːja kulːiʃ lamːan riħit lilmaktabˤɛː maː liɡeːt haːða liktaːb ilgadiːm ridit aqra ktaːb ʕan taːriːx inːiswaːn‿(u)bfransɛː
HIJAZI ARABIC (MEDINA) ana marːa ʔaħubː alɡiraːja lamːa ruħt almaktaba ma liɡiːt haːda lkitaːb alɡadiːm kunt abɣa ʔaɡra kitaːb ʕan taːriːx alħariːm fi faransa
WESTERN SYRIAN ARABIC (DAMASCUS) ana ktiːr bħəb ləʔraːje lamːa rəħt ʕalmaktabe ma laʔeːt haləktaːb əlʔadiːm kaːn badːi ʔra ktaːb ʕan taːriːx əlmara bfraːnsa
LEBANESE ARABIC (BEIRUT?) ana ktiːr bħib liʔreːji lamːa riħit ʕalmaktabi ma lʔeːt halikteːb liʔdiːm keːn badːi ʔra kteːb ʕan teːriːx ilmara bfraːnsa
URBAN PALESTINIAN (JERUSALEM) ana baħib liʔraːje ktiːr lamːa ruħt ʕalmaktabe ma laʔeːtʃ haliktaːb ilʔadiːm kaːn bidːi ʔaʔra ktaːb ʕan taːriːx ilmara fi faransa
RURAL PALESTINIAN (WEST BANK) ana baħib likraːje kθiːr lamːa ruħt ʕalmatʃtabe ma lakeːtʃ halitʃtaːb ilkadiːm kaːn bidːi ʔakra tʃtaːb ʕan taːriːx ilmara fi faransa
EGYPTIAN (METROPOLITAN) ana baħebː elʔeraːja ʔawi lamːa roħt elmakˈtaba malʔetʃ elketaːb elʔadim da ana kont(e)‿ʕawz‿aʔra ktab ʕan tariːx esːetˈtat fe faransa
LIBYAN ARABIC (TRIPOLI?) ana nħəb il-ɡraːja halba lamma mʃeːt lil-maktba malɡeːtiʃ ha-li-ktaːb lə-ɡdiːm kunt nibi naɡra ktaːb ʔleː tariːx ə-nsawiːn fi fraːnsa
TUNISIAN (TUNIS) nħib liqraːja barʃa waqtilli mʃiːt lilmaktba mal-qiːtʃ ha-likteːb liqdiːm kʊnt nħib naqra kteːb ʕla terix limra fi fraːnsa
ALGERIAN (ALGIERS?) eːna nħebb l-qraːja bezzef ki ruħt l il-maktaba ma-lqiːt-ʃ ha l-kteːb l-qdiːm kunt ħaːb naqra kteːb ʕala tariːx l-mra fi fraːnsa
MOROCCAN (RABAT?) ana ʕziz ʕlija bzzaf nqra melli mʃit l-lmaktaba ma-lqiːt-ʃ had l-ktab l-qdim kent baɣi nqra ktab ʕla tarix l-mra f-fransa
Maltese (Valletta) (in Maltese orthography) Inħobb naqra ħafna. Meta mort il-librerija Ma sibtx dan il-ktieb qadim. Ridt naqra ktieb dwar l-istorja tal-mara fi Franza.
According to Charles A. Ferguson , the following are some of the characteristic features of the koine that underlies all of the modern dialects outside the Arabian peninsula. Although many other features are common to most or all of these varieties, Ferguson believes that these features in particular are unlikely to have evolved independently more than once or twice and together suggest the existence of the koine:
* Loss of the dual (grammatical number) except on nouns, with consistent plural agreement (cf. feminine singular agreement in plural inanimates). * Change of _a_ to _i_ in many affixes (e.g., non-past-tense prefixes _ti- yi- ni-_; _wi-_ 'and'; _il-_ 'the'; feminine _-it_ in the construct state ). * Loss of third-weak verbs ending in _w_ (which merge with verbs ending in _y_). * Reformation of geminate verbs, e.g., _ḥalaltu_ 'I untied' → _ḥalēt(u)_. * Conversion of separate words _lī_ 'to me', _laka_ 'to you', etc. into indirect-object clitic suffixes. * Certain changes in the cardinal number system, e.g., _khamsat ayyām_ 'five days' → _kham(a)s tiyyām_, where certain words have a special plural with prefixed _t_. * Loss of the feminine elative (comparative). * Adjective plurals of the form _kibār_ 'big' → _kubār_. * Change of nisba suffix _-iyy_ > _i_. * Certain lexical items, e.g., _jāb_ 'bring' < _jāʼa bi-_ 'come with'; _shāf_ 'see'; _ēsh_ 'what' (or similar) < _ayyu shayʼ_ 'which thing'; _illi_ (relative pronoun). * Merger of /ɮˤ/ and /ðˤ/.
* Egyptian Arabic is spoken by around 53 million in Egypt (55 million worldwide). It is one of the most understood varieties of Arabic, due in large part to the widespread distribution of Egyptian films and television shows throughout the Arabic-speaking world
Levantine Arabic includes North
Levantine Arabic , South Levantine
Cypriot Arabic . It is spoken by about 21 million people in
* Lebanese Arabic is a variety of Levantine Arabic spoken primarily in Lebanon . * Jordanian Arabic is a continuum of mutually intelligible varieties of Levantine Arabic spoken by the population of the Kingdom of Jordan . * Palestinian Arabic is a name of several dialects of the subgroup of Levantine Arabic spoken by the Palestinians in Palestine , by Arab citizens of Israel and in most Palestinian populations around the world. * Samaritan Arabic , spoken by only several hundred in the Nablus region * Cypriot Maronite Arabic , spoken in Cyprus
Maghrebi Arabic , also called "Darija" spoken by about 70 million
Libyan Arabic spoken in
Libya and neighboring countries.
Tunisian Arabic spoken in
Kuwaiti Arabic is a
Gulf Arabic dialect spoken in
Khuzestani Arabic spoken in the Iranian province of
Khorasani Arabic spoken in the Iranian province of Khorasan .
Sudanese Arabic is spoken by 17 million people in
Main article: Arabic phonology
Of the 29 Proto-Semitic consonants, only one has been lost: */ʒ/, which merged with /ʃ/. But the consonant */ʒ/ is still found in many colloquial Arabic dialects. Various other consonants have changed their sound too, but have remained distinct. An original */p/ lenited to /f/, and */ɡ/ - consistently attested in pre-Islamic Greek transcription of Arabic languages - became palatalized to /ɡʲ/ or /ɟ/ by the time of the Quran and /d͡ʒ /, /ɡ /, /ʒ / or /ɟ/ in MSA (see Arabic phonology#Local variations for more detail). An original voiceless alveolar lateral fricative */ɬ/ became /ʃ/. Its emphatic counterpart /ɬˠ~ɮˤ/ was considered by Arabs to be the most unusual sound in Arabic (Hence the Classical Arabic's appellation لُغَةُ ٱلضَّادِ _lughat al-ḍād_ or "language of the _ḍād_"); for most modern dialects, it has become an emphatic stop /dˤ/ with loss of the laterality or with complete loss of any pharyngealization or velarization, /d/. (The classical _ḍād_ pronunciation of pharyngealization /ɮˤ/ still occurs in the Mehri language and the similar sound without velarization, /ɮ /, exists in other Modern South Arabian languages .)
Other changes may also have happened. Classical Arabic pronunciation is not thoroughly recorded and different reconstructions of the sound system of Proto-Semitic propose different phonetic values. One example is the emphatic consonants, which are pharyngealized in modern pronunciations but may have been velarized in the eighth century and glottalized in Proto-Semitic.
Reduction of /j/ and /w/ between vowels occurs in a number of circumstances and is responsible for much of the complexity of third-weak ("defective") verbs. Early Akkadian transcriptions of Arabic names shows that this reduction had not yet occurred as of the early part of the 1st millennium BC.
The Classical Arabic language as recorded was a poetic koine that reflected a consciously archaizing dialect, chosen based on the tribes of the western part of the Arabian Peninsula , who spoke the most conservative variants of Arabic. Even at the time of Muhammed and before, other dialects existed with many more changes, including the loss of most glottal stops, the loss of case endings, the reduction of the diphthongs /aj/ and /aw/ into monophthongs /eː, oː/, etc. Most of these changes are present in most or all modern varieties of Arabic.
An interesting feature of the writing system of the Quran (and hence of Classical Arabic) is that it contains certain features of Muhammad's native dialect of Mecca, corrected through diacritics into the forms of standard Classical Arabic. Among these features visible under the corrections are the loss of the glottal stop and a differing development of the reduction of certain final sequences containing /j/: Evidently, final /-awa/ became /aː/ as in the Classical language, but final /-aja/ became a different sound, possibly /eː/ (rather than again /aː/ in the Classical language). This is the apparent source of the _alif maqṣūrah_ 'restricted alif' where a final /-aja/ is reconstructed: a letter that would normally indicate /j/ or some similar high-vowel sound, but is taken in this context to be a logical variant of _alif_ and represent the sound /aː/.
The "colloquial" spoken varieties of Arabic are learned at home and constitute the native languages of Arabic speakers. "Formal" Literary Arabic (usually specifically Modern Standard Arabic) is learned at school; although many speakers have a native-like command of the language, it is technically not the native language of any speakers. Both varieties can be both written and spoken, although the colloquial varieties are rarely written down and the formal variety is spoken mostly in formal circumstances, e.g., in radio broadcasts, formal lectures, parliamentary discussions and to some extent between speakers of different colloquial varieties. Even when the literary language is spoken, however, it is normally only spoken in its pure form when reading a prepared text out loud. When speaking extemporaneously (i.e. making up the language on the spot, as in a normal discussion among people), speakers tend to deviate somewhat from the strict literary language in the direction of the colloquial varieties. In fact, there is a continuous range of "in-between" spoken varieties: from nearly pure Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), to a form that still uses MSA grammar and vocabulary but with significant colloquial influence, to a form of the colloquial language that imports a number of words and grammatical constructions in MSA, to a form that is close to pure colloquial but with the "rough edges" (the most noticeably "vulgar" or non-Classical aspects) smoothed out, to pure colloquial. The particular variant (or _register _) used depends on the social class and education level of the speakers involved and the level of formality of the speech situation. Often it will vary within a single encounter, e.g., moving from nearly pure MSA to a more mixed language in the process of a radio interview, as the interviewee becomes more comfortable with the interviewer. This type of variation is characteristic of the diglossia that exists throughout the Arabic-speaking world. Recording of a poem by Al-Ma\'arri titled "I no longer steal from nature"
Although Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is a unitary language, its pronunciation varies somewhat from country to country and from region to region within a country. The variation in individual "accents" of MSA speakers tends to mirror corresponding variations in the colloquial speech of the speakers in question, but with the distinguishing characteristics moderated somewhat. Note that it is important in descriptions of "Arabic" phonology to distinguish between pronunciation of a given colloquial (spoken) dialect and the pronunciation of MSA by these same speakers. Although they are related, they are not the same. For example, the phoneme that derives from Proto-Semitic /g/ has many different pronunciations in the modern spoken varieties, e.g., . Speakers whose native variety has either or will use the same pronunciation when speaking MSA. Even speakers from Cairo , whose native Egyptian Arabic has , normally use when speaking MSA. The of Persian Gulf speakers is the only variant pronunciation which isn't found in MSA; is used instead.
Another example: Many colloquial varieties are known for a type of vowel harmony in which the presence of an "emphatic consonant" triggers backed allophones of nearby vowels (especially of the low vowels /aː/, which are backed to in these circumstances and very often fronted to in all other circumstances). In many spoken varieties, the backed or "emphatic" vowel allophones spread a fair distance in both directions from the triggering consonant; in some varieties (most notably Egyptian Arabic), the "emphatic" allophones spread throughout the entire word, usually including prefixes and suffixes, even at a distance of several syllables from the triggering consonant. Speakers of colloquial varieties with this vowel harmony tend to introduce it into their MSA pronunciation as well, but usually with a lesser degree of spreading than in the colloquial varieties. (For example, speakers of colloquial varieties with extremely long-distance harmony may allow a moderate, but not extreme, amount of spreading of the harmonic allophones in their MSA speech, while speakers of colloquial varieties with moderate-distance harmony may only harmonize immediately adjacent vowels in MSA.)
Modern Standard Arabic has six pure vowels , with short /a i u/ and corresponding long vowels /aː iː uː/. There are also two diphthongs : /aj/ and /aw/.
The pronunciation of the vowels differs from speaker to speaker, in a way that tends to reflect the pronunciation of the corresponding colloquial variety. Nonetheless, there are some common trends. Most noticeable is the differing pronunciation of /a/ and /aː/, which tend towards fronted , or in most situations, but a back in the neighborhood of emphatic consonants . Some accents and dialects, such as those of the Hijaz , have central in all situations. The vowel /a/ varies towards too. Listen to the final vowel in the recording of _al-ʻarabiyyah_ at the beginning of this article, for example. The point is, Arabic has only three short vowel phonemes, so those phonemes can have a very wide range of allophones. The vowels /u/ and /ɪ/ are often affected somewhat in emphatic neighborhoods as well, with generally more back or centralized allophones , but the differences are less great than for the low vowels. The pronunciation of short /u/ and /i/ tends towards and in many dialects.
The definition of both "emphatic" and "neighborhood" vary in ways that reflect (to some extent) corresponding variations in the spoken dialects. Generally, the consonants triggering "emphatic" allophones are the pharyngealized consonants /tˤ dˤ sˤ ðˤ/; /q /; and /r /, if not followed immediately by /i(ː)/. Frequently, the uvular fricatives /x ɣ/ also trigger emphatic allophones; occasionally also the pharyngeal consonants /ʕ ħ/ (the former more than the latter). Many dialects have multiple emphatic allophones of each vowel, depending on the particular nearby consonants. In most MSA accents, emphatic coloring of vowels is limited to vowels immediately adjacent to a triggering consonant, although in some it spreads a bit farther: e.g., وقت _waqt_ 'time'; وطن _waṭan_ 'homeland'; وسط المدينة _wasṭ al-madīnah_ 'downtown' (sometimes or similar).
In a non-emphatic environment, the vowel /a/ in the diphthong /aj/ tends to be fronted even more than elsewhere, often pronounced or : hence سيف _sayf_ 'sword' but صيف _ṣayf_ 'summer'. However, in accents with no emphatic allophones of /a/ (e.g., in the Hijaz ), the pronunciation occurs in all situations.
Consonant phonemes of Modern Standard Arabic
LABIAL DENTAL DENTI-ALVEOLAR PALATAL VELAR UVULAR PHARYNGEAL GLOTTAL
d dˤ d͡ʒ
FRICATIVE VOICELESS f θ s sˤ ʃ x ~ χ ħ h
ð z ðˤ
ɣ ~ ʁ ʕ
l (ɫ ) j w
The phoneme /d͡ʒ/ is represented by the
Arabic letter _jīm_ (
and has many standard pronunciations. is characteristic of north
Algeria, Iraq, also in most of the
Arabian peninsula but with an
allophonic in some positions; occurs in most of the
Levant and most
North Africa; and is used in most of
Egypt and some regions in Yemen
and Oman. Generally this corresponds with the pronunciation in the
colloquial dialects. In some regions in
/θ/ (ث) can be pronounced as or even . In some places of Maghreb it can be also pronounced as .
/x/ and /ɣ/ (خ, غ) are velar, post-velar, or uvular.
In many varieties, /ħ, ʕ/ (ح, ع) are actually epiglottal (despite what is reported in many earlier works).
/l/ is pronounced as velarized in الله /ʔallaːh/, the name of God, q.e. Allah , when the word follows _a_, _ā_, _u_ or _ū_ (after _i_ or _ī_ it is unvelarized: بسم الله _bismi l–lāh_ /bismillaːh/). Some speakers velarize other occurrences of /l/ in MSA, in imitation of their spoken dialects.
The emphatic consonant /dˤ/ was actually pronounced , or possibly —either way, a highly unusual sound. The medieval Arabs actually termed their language _lughat al-ḍād_ 'the language of the Ḍād ' (the name of the letter used for this sound), since they thought the sound was unique to their language. (In fact, it also exists in a few other minority Semitic languages, e.g., Mehri.)
Arabic has consonants traditionally termed "emphatic" /tˤ, dˤ, sˤ, ðˤ/ (ط, ض, ص, ظ), which exhibit simultaneous pharyngealization as well as varying degrees of velarization , so they may be written with the "Velarized or pharyngealized" diacritic ( ̴ ) as: /t̴, d̴, s̴, ð̴/. This simultaneous articulation is described as "Retracted Tongue Root" by phonologists. In some transcription systems, emphasis is shown by capitalizing the letter, for example, /dˤ/ is written ⟨D⟩; in others the letter is underlined or has a dot below it, for example, ⟨ḍ⟩.
Vowels and consonants can be phonologically short or long. Long (geminate ) consonants are normally written doubled in Latin transcription (i.e. bb, dd, etc.), reflecting the presence of the Arabic diacritic mark _shaddah_, which indicates doubled consonants. In actual pronunciation, doubled consonants are held twice as long as short consonants. This consonant lengthening is phonemically contrastive: قبل _qabila_ 'he accepted' vs. قبّل _qabbala_ 'he kissed'.
Proto Semitic IPA ARABIC
WRITTEN STANDARD Classical Old Arabic
ب _b_ /b/
د _d_ /d/
ج _ǧ_ /d͡ʒ/ /ɟ/ /g/
ف _f_ /f/ /pʰ/
ت _t_ /t/ /tʰ/
ك _k_ /k/ /kʰ/
ط _ṭ_ /tˤ/ *ṭ
ق _q_ /q/ /qˤ/ *ḳ
*ḏ / ذ _ḏ_ /ð/
*Z / ز _z_ /z/
*S / س _s_ /s/
*ṯ / ث _ṯ_ /θ/
*ś / ش _š_ /ʃ/ /ɕ/ /ɬ/
*ṱ / ظ _ẓ_ /ðˤ/ *ṱ
*ṣ / ص _ṣ_ /sˤ/ *ṣ
*ṣ́ / ض _ḍ_ /dˤ/ /ɮˤ/ *ṣ́
*ġ ~ غ _ġ_ /ɣ~ʁ/ /ʁˤ/ /ɣ/
ع _ʻ_ /ʕ/
ء _ʼ_ /ʔ/
*ḫ ~ خ _ḫ_ /x~χ/ /χˤ/ /x/
ح _ḥ_ /ħ/
ه _h_ /h/
م _m_ /m/
ن _n_ /n/
ر _r_ /r/
ل _l_ /l/
ي _y_ /j/
و _w_ /w/
Proto Semitic IPA ARABIC STANDARD CLASSICAL OLD
Arabic has two kinds of syllables: open syllables (CV) and (CVV)—and closed syllables (CVC), (CVVC) and (CVCC). The syllable types with two morae (units of time), i.e. CVC and CVV, are termed _heavy syllables _, while those with three morae, i.e. CVVC and CVCC, are _superheavy syllables _. Superheavy syllables in Classical Arabic occur in only two places: at the end of the sentence (due to pausal pronunciation) and in words such as حارّ _ḥārr_ 'hot', مادّة _māddah_ 'stuff, substance', تحاجوا _taḥājjū_ 'they disputed with each other', where a long _ā_ occurs before two identical consonants (a former short vowel between the consonants has been lost). (In less formal pronunciations of Modern Standard Arabic, superheavy syllables are common at the end of words or before clitic suffixes such as _-nā_ 'us, our', due to the deletion of final short vowels.)
In surface pronunciation, every vowel must be preceded by a consonant (which may include the glottal stop ). There are no cases of hiatus within a word (where two vowels occur next to each other, without an intervening consonant). Some words do have an underlying vowel at the beginning, such as the definite article _al-_ or words such as اشترا _ishtarā_ 'he bought', اجتماع _ijtimāʻ_ 'meeting'. When actually pronounced, one of three things happens:
* If the word occurs after another word ending in a consonant, there is a smooth transition from final consonant to initial vowel, e.g., اجتماع _al-ijtimāʻ_ 'meeting' /alid͡ʒtimaːʕ/. * If the word occurs after another word ending in a vowel, the initial vowel of the word is elided , e.g., بيت المدير _baytu (a)l-mudīr_ 'house of the director' /bajtulmudiːr/. * If the word occurs at the beginning of an utterance, a glottal stop is added onto the beginning, e.g., البيت هو _al-baytu huwa ..._ 'The house is ...' /ʔalbajtuhuwa ... /.
Word stress is not phonemically contrastive in Standard Arabic. It bears a strong relationship to vowel length. The basic rules for Modern Standard Arabic are:
* A final vowel, long or short, may not be stressed. * Only one of the last three syllables may be stressed. * Given this restriction, the last heavy syllable (containing a long vowel or ending in a consonant) is stressed, if it is not the final syllable. * If the final syllable is super heavy and closed (of the form CVVC or CVCC) it receives stress. * If no syllable is heavy or super heavy, the first possible syllable (i.e. third from end) is stressed. * As a special exception, in Form VII and VIII verb forms stress may not be on the first syllable, despite the above rules: Hence _inkatab(a)_ 'he subscribed' (whether or not the final short vowel is pronounced), _yankatib(u)_ 'he subscribes' (whether or not the final short vowel is pronounced), _yankatib_ 'he should subscribe (juss.)'. Likewise Form VIII _ishtarā_ 'he bought', _yashtarī_ 'he buys'.
Examples:_kitāb(un)_ 'book', _kā-ti-b(un)_ 'writer', _mak-ta-b(un)_ 'desk', _ma-kā-ti-b(u)_ 'desks', _mak-ta-ba-tun_ 'library' (but _mak-ta-ba(-tun)_ 'library' in short pronunciation), _ka-ta-bū_ (Modern Standard Arabic) 'they wrote' = _ka-ta-bu_ (dialect), _ka-ta-bū-h(u)_ (Modern Standard Arabic) 'they wrote it' = _ka-ta-bū_ (dialect), _ka-ta-ba-tā_ (Modern Standard Arabic) 'they (dual, fem) wrote', _ka-tab-tu_ (Modern Standard Arabic) 'I wrote' = _ka-tabt_ (short form or dialect). Doubled consonants count as two consonants: _ma-jal-la-(tan)_ 'magazine', _ma-ḥall(-un)_ "place".
These rules may result in differently stressed syllables when final case endings are pronounced, vs. the normal situation where they are not pronounced, as in the above example of _mak-ta-ba-tun_ 'library' in full pronunciation, but _mak-ta-ba(-tun)_ 'library' in short pronunciation.
The restriction on final long vowels does not apply to the spoken dialects, where original final long vowels have been shortened and secondary final long vowels have arisen from loss of original final _-hu/hi_.
Some dialects have different stress rules. In the Cairo (Egyptian Arabic) dialect a heavy syllable may not carry stress more than two syllables from the end of a word, hence _mad-ra-sah_ 'school', _qā-hi-rah_ 'Cairo'. This also affects the way that Modern Standard Arabic is pronounced in Egypt. In the Arabic of Sanaa , stress is often retracted: _bay-tayn_ 'two houses', _mā-sat-hum_ 'their table', _ma-kā-tīb_ 'desks', _zā-rat-ḥīn_ 'sometimes', _mad-ra-sat-hum_ 'their school'. (In this dialect, only syllables with long vowels or diphthongs are considered heavy; in a two-syllable word, the final syllable can be stressed only if the preceding syllable is light; and in longer words, the final syllable cannot be stressed.)
Levels Of Pronunciation
The final short vowels (e.g., the case endings _-a -i -u_ and mood endings _-u -a_) are often not pronounced in this language, despite forming part of the formal paradigm of nouns and verbs. The following levels of pronunciation exist:
Full Pronunciation With pausa
This is the most formal level actually used in speech. All endings are pronounced as written, except at the end of an utterance, where the following changes occur:
* Final short vowels are not pronounced. (But possibly an exception is made for feminine plural _-na_ and shortened vowels in the jussive/imperative of defective verbs, e.g., _irmi!_ 'throw!'".) * The entire indefinite noun endings _-in_ and _-un_ (with nunation ) are left off. The ending _-an_ is left off of nouns preceded by a _tāʾ marbūṭah _ ة (i.e. the _-t_ in the ending _-at-_ that typically marks feminine nouns), but pronounced as _-ā_ in other nouns (hence its writing in this fashion in the Arabic script). * The _tāʼ marbūṭah_ itself (typically of feminine nouns) is pronounced as _h_. (At least, this is the case in extremely formal pronunciation, e.g., some Quranic recitations. In practice, this _h_ is usually omitted.)
Formal Short Pronunciation
This is a formal level of pronunciation sometimes seen. It is somewhat like pronouncing all words as if they were in pausal position (with influence from the colloquial varieties ). The following changes occur:
* Most final short vowels are not pronounced. However, the following short vowels _are_ pronounced:
* feminine plural _-na_ * shortened vowels in the jussive/imperative of defective verbs, e.g., _irmi!_ 'throw!' * second-person singular feminine past-tense _-ti_ and likewise _anti_ 'you (fem. sg.)' * sometimes, first-person singular past-tense _-tu_ * sometimes, second-person masculine past-tense _-ta_ and likewise _anta_ 'you (masc. sg.)' * final _-a_ in certain short words, e.g., _laysa_ 'is not', _sawfa_ (future-tense marker)
* The nunation endings _-an -in -un_ are not pronounced. However, they _are_ pronounced in adverbial accusative formations, e.g., _taqrīban_ تَقْرِيبًا 'almost, approximately', _ʻādatan_ عَادَةً 'usually'. * The _tāʾ marbūṭah _ ending ة is unpronounced, _except_ in construct state nouns, where it sounds as _t_ (and in adverbial accusative constructions, e.g., _ʻādatan_ عَادَةً 'usually', where the entire _-tan_ is pronounced). * The masculine singular nisbah ending _-iyy_ is actually pronounced _-ī_ and is unstressed (but plural and feminine singular forms, i.e. when followed by a suffix, still sound as _-iyy-_). * _Full endings_ (including case endings) occur when a clitic object or possessive suffix is added (e.g., _-nā_ 'us/our').
Informal Short Pronunciation
This is the pronunciation used by speakers of Modern Standard Arabic in extemporaneous speech, i.e. when producing new sentences rather than simply reading a prepared text. It is similar to formal short pronunciation except that the rules for dropping final vowels apply _even_ when a clitic suffix is added. Basically, short-vowel case and mood endings are never pronounced and certain other changes occur that echo the corresponding colloquial pronunciations. Specifically:
* All the rules for formal short pronunciation apply, except as follows. * The past tense singular endings written formally as _-tu -ta -ti_ are pronounced _-t -t -ti_. But masculine _ʾanta_ is pronounced in full.
* Unlike in formal short pronunciation, the rules for dropping or modifying final endings are also applied when a clitic object or possessive suffix is added (e.g., _-nā_ 'us/our'). If this produces a sequence of three consonants, then one of the following happens, depending on the speaker's native colloquial variety:
* A short vowel (e.g., _-i-_ or _-ǝ-_) is consistently added, either between the second and third or the first and second consonants. * Or, a short vowel is added only if an otherwise unpronounceable sequence occurs, typically due to a violation of the sonority hierarchy (e.g., _-rtn-_ is pronounced as a three-consonant cluster, but _-trn-_ needs to be broken up). * Or, a short vowel is never added, but consonants like _r l m n_ occurring between two other consonants will be pronounced as a syllabic consonant (as in the English words "butter bottle bottom button"). * When a doubled consonant occurs before another consonant (or finally), it is often shortened to a single consonant rather than a vowel added. (But note that Moroccan Arabic never shortens doubled consonants or inserts short vowels to break up clusters, instead tolerating arbitrary-length series of arbitrary consonants and hence Moroccan Arabic speakers are likely to follow the same rules in their pronunciation of Modern Standard Arabic.)
* The clitic suffixes themselves tend also to be changed, in a way that avoids many possible occurrences of three-consonant clusters. In particular, _-ka -ki -hu_ generally sound as _-ak -ik -uh_. * Final long vowels are often shortened, merging with any short vowels that remain.
* Depending on the level of formality, the speaker's education level, etc., various grammatical changes may occur in ways that echo the colloquial variants:
* Any remaining case endings (e.g. masculine plural nominative _-ūn_ vs. oblique _-īn_) will be leveled, with the oblique form used everywhere. (However, in words like _ab_ 'father' and _akh_ 'brother' with special long-vowel case endings in the construct state , the nominative is used everywhere, hence _abū_ 'father of', _akhū_ 'brother of'.) * Feminine plural endings in verbs and clitic suffixes will often drop out, with the masculine plural endings used instead. If the speaker's native variety has feminine plural endings, they may be preserved, but will often be modified in the direction of the forms used in the speaker's native variety, e.g. _-an_ instead of _-na_. * Dual endings will often drop out except on nouns and then used only for emphasis (similar to their use in the colloquial varieties); elsewhere, the plural endings are used (or feminine singular, if appropriate).
Further information: Varieties of Arabic
As mentioned above, many spoken dialects have a process of _emphasis spreading_, where the "emphasis" (pharyngealization ) of emphatic consonants spreads forward and back through adjacent syllables, pharyngealizing all nearby consonants and triggering the back allophone in all nearby low vowels . The extent of emphasis spreading varies. For example, in Moroccan Arabic, it spreads as far as the first full vowel (i.e. sound derived from a long vowel or diphthong) on either side; in many Levantine dialects, it spreads indefinitely, but is blocked by any /j / or /ʃ /; while in Egyptian Arabic, it usually spreads throughout the entire word, including prefixes and suffixes. In Moroccan Arabic, /i u/ also have emphatic allophones and , respectively.
Unstressed short vowels, especially /i u/, are deleted in many contexts. Many sporadic examples of short vowel change have occurred (especially /a/→/i/ and interchange /i/↔/u/). Most Levantine dialects merge short /i u/ into /ǝ/ in most contexts (all except directly before a single final consonant). In Moroccan Arabic, on the other hand, short /u/ triggers labialization of nearby consonants (especially velar consonants and uvular consonants ), and then short /a i u/ all merge into /ǝ/, which is deleted in many contexts. (The labialization plus /ǝ/ is sometimes interpreted as an underlying phoneme /ŭ/.) This essentially causes the wholesale loss of the short-long vowel distinction, with the original long vowels /aː iː uː/ remaining as half-long , phonemically /a i u/, which are used to represent _both_ short and long vowels in borrowings from Literary Arabic.
Most spoken dialects have monophthongized original /aj aw/ to /eː oː/ (in all circumstances, including adjacent to emphatic consonants). In Moroccan Arabic, these have subsequently merged into original /iː uː/.
In some dialects, there may be more or fewer phonemes than those listed in the chart above. For example, non- Arabic is used in the Maghrebi dialects as well in the written language mostly for foreign names. Semitic became extremely early on in Arabic before it was written down; a few modern Arabic dialects, such as Iraqi (influenced by Persian and Kurdish ) distinguish between and . The Iraqi Arabic also uses sounds , and uses Persian adding letters, e.g.: گوجة _gawjah_ – _a plum_; چمة _chimah –_ a truffle _and so on._
Early in the expansion of Arabic, the separate emphatic phonemes and coalesced into a single phoneme . Many dialects (such as Egyptian, Levantine, and much of the Maghreb) subsequently lost interdental fricatives , converting into . Most dialects borrow "learned" words from the Standard language using the same pronunciation as for inherited words, but some dialects without interdental fricatives (particularly in Egypt and the Levant) render original in borrowed words as .
Another key distinguishing mark of Arabic dialects is how they render the original velar and uvular plosives /q /, /d͡ʒ / (Proto-Semitic /ɡ /), and /k /:
ق /q / retains its original pronunciation in widely scattered
regions such as Yemen, Morocco, and urban areas of the Maghreb. It is
pronounced as a glottal stop in several prestige dialects , such as
those spoken in Cairo, Beirut and Damascus. But it is rendered as a
voiced velar plosive in Persian Gulf, Upper Egypt, parts of the
Maghreb, and less urban parts of the
Levant (e.g. Jordan). In Iraqi
Arabic it sometimes retains its original pronunciation and is
sometimes rendered as a voiced velar plosive, depending on the word.
Some traditionally Christian villages in rural areas of the Levant
render the sound as , as do Shiʻi Bahrainis. In some Gulf dialects,
it is palatalized to or . It is pronounced as a voiced uvular
constrictive in Sudanese Arabic. Many dialects with a modified
pronunciation for /q / maintain the pronunciation in certain words
(often with religious or educational overtones) borrowed from the
ج /d͡ʒ/ is pronounced as an affricate in
Iraq and much of the
Arabian Peninsula, but is pronounced in most of North
Egypt and parts
Pharyngealization of the emphatic consonants tends to weaken in many of the spoken varieties, and to spread from emphatic consonants to nearby sounds. In addition, the "emphatic" allophone automatically triggers pharyngealization of adjacent sounds in many dialects. As a result, it may difficult or impossible to determine whether a given coronal consonant is phonemically emphatic or not, especially in dialects with long-distance emphasis spreading. (A notable exception is the sounds /t / vs. /tˤ / in Moroccan Arabic, because the former is pronounced as an affricate but the latter is not.)
Main article: Modern Standard Arabic
As in other Semitic languages, Arabic has a complex and unusual morphology (i.e. method of constructing words from a basic root ). Arabic has a nonconcatenative "root-and-pattern" morphology: A root consists of a set of bare consonants (usually three ), which are fitted into a discontinuous pattern to form words. For example, the word for 'I wrote' is constructed by combining the root K-T-B 'write' with the pattern -A-A-TU 'I Xed' to form _katabtu_ 'I wrote'. Other verbs meaning 'I Xed' will typically have the same pattern but with different consonants, e.g. _qaraʼtu_ 'I read', _akaltu_ 'I ate', _dhahabtu_ 'I went', although other patterns are possible (e.g. _sharibtu_ 'I drank', _qultu_ 'I said', _takallamtu_ 'I spoke', where the subpattern used to signal the past tense may change but the suffix _-tu_ is always used).
From a single root K-T-B, numerous words can be formed by applying different patterns:
* _katabtu_ 'I wrote' * _kattabtu_ 'I had (something) written' * _kātabtu_ 'I corresponded (with someone)'" * _aktabtu_ 'I dictated' * _iktatabtu_ 'I subscribed' * _takātabnā_ 'we corresponded with each other' * _aktubu_ 'I write' * _ukattibu_ 'I have (something) written' * _ukātibu_ 'I correspond (with someone)' * _uktibu_ 'I dictate' * _aktatibu_ 'I subscribe' * _natakātabu_ 'we correspond each other' * _kotiba_ 'it was written' * _uktiba_ 'it was dictated'" * _maktoub_ 'written' * _muktab_ 'dictated' * _kitāb_ 'book' * _kotub_ 'books' * _kātib_ 'writer' * _kuttāb_ 'writers' * _maktab_ 'desk, office' * _maktabah_ 'library, bookshop' * etc.
Nouns And Adjectives
Nouns in Literary Arabic have three grammatical cases (nominative , accusative , and genitive ); three numbers (singular, dual and plural); two genders (masculine and feminine); and three "states" (indefinite, definite, and construct ). The cases of singular nouns (other than those that end in long ā) are indicated by suffixed short vowels (/-u/ for nominative, /-a/ for accusative, /-i/ for genitive).
The feminine singular is often marked by /-at/, which is reduced to /-ah/ or /-a/ before a pause. Plural is indicated either through endings (the sound plural ) or internal modification (the broken plural ). Definite nouns include all proper nouns, all nouns in "construct state" and all nouns which are prefixed by the definite article /al-/. Indefinite singular nouns (other than those that end in long ā) add a final /-n/ to the case-marking vowels, giving /-un/, /-an/ or /-in/ (which is also referred to as nunation or tanwīn ).
Adjectives in Literary Arabic are marked for case, number, gender and state, as for nouns. However, the plural of all non-human nouns is always combined with a singular feminine adjective, which takes the /-ah/ or /-at/ suffix.
Pronouns in Literary Arabic are marked for person, number and gender. There are two varieties, independent pronouns and enclitics . Enclitic pronouns are attached to the end of a verb, noun or preposition and indicate verbal and prepositional objects or possession of nouns. The first-person singular pronoun has a different enclitic form used for verbs (/-ni/) and for nouns or prepositions (/-ī/ after consonants, /-ya/ after vowels).
Nouns, verbs, pronouns and adjectives agree with each other in all respects. However, non-human plural nouns are grammatically considered to be feminine singular. Furthermore, a verb in a verb-initial sentence is marked as singular regardless of its semantic number when the subject of the verb is explicitly mentioned as a noun. Numerals between three and ten show "chiasmic" agreement, in that grammatically masculine numerals have feminine marking and vice versa.
Verbs in Literary Arabic are marked for person (first, second, or third), gender, and number. They are conjugated in two major paradigms (past and non-past ); two voices (active and passive); and six moods (indicative , imperative , subjunctive , jussive , shorter energetic and longer energetic), the fifth and sixth moods, the energetics, exist only in Classical Arabic but not in MSA. There are also two participles (active and passive) and a verbal noun , but no infinitive .
The past and non-past paradigms are sometimes also termed perfective and imperfective , indicating the fact that they actually represent a combination of tense and aspect . The moods other than the indicative occur only in the non-past, and the future tense is signaled by prefixing _sa-_ or _sawfa_ onto the non-past. The past and non-past differ in the form of the stem (e.g., past _katab-_ vs. non-past _-ktub-_), and also use completely different sets of affixes for indicating person, number and gender: In the past, the person, number and gender are fused into a single suffixal morpheme, while in the non-past, a combination of prefixes (primarily encoding person) and suffixes (primarily encoding gender and number) are used. The passive voice uses the same person/number/gender affixes but changes the vowels of the stem.
The following shows a paradigm of a regular Arabic verb, _kataba_ 'to write'. Note that in Modern Standard, the energetic mood (in either long or short form, which have the same meaning) is almost never used.
Like other Semitic languages , and unlike most other languages, Arabic makes much more use of nonconcatenative morphology (applying a large number of templates applied roots) to derive words than adding prefixes or suffixes to words.
For verbs, a given root can occur in many different derived verb stems (of which there are about fifteen), each with one or more characteristic meanings and each with its own templates for the past and non-past stems, active and passive participles, and verbal noun. These are referred to by Western scholars as "Form I", "Form II", and so on through "Form XV" (although Forms XI to XV are rare). These stems encode grammatical functions such as the causative , intensive and reflexive . Stems sharing the same root consonants represent separate verbs, albeit often semantically related, and each is the basis for its own conjugational paradigm. As a result, these derived stems are part of the system of derivational morphology , not part of the inflectional system.
Examples of the different verbs formed from the root _k-t-b_ 'write' (using _ḥ-m-r_ 'red' for Form IX, which is limited to colors and physical defects):
Most of these forms are exclusively Classical Arabic FORM PAST MEANING NON-PAST MEANING
I _KaTaBa_ 'he wrote' _yaKTuBu_ 'he writes'
II _KaTTaBa_ 'he made (someone) write' _yuKaTTiBu_ "he makes (someone) write"
III _KāTaBa_ 'he corresponded with, wrote to (someone)' _yuKāTiBu_ 'he corresponds with, writes to (someone)'
IV _ʾaKTaBa_ 'he dictated' _yuKTiBu_ 'he dictates'
V _taKaTTaBa_ 'nonexistent' _yataKaTTaBu_ 'nonexistent'
VI _taKāTaBa_ 'he corresponded (with someone, esp. mutually)' _yataKāTaBu_ 'he corresponds (with someone, esp. mutually)'
VII _inKaTaBa_ 'he subscribed' _yanKaTiBu_ 'he subscribes'
VIII _iKtaTaBa_ 'he copied' _yaKtaTiBu_ 'he copies'
IX _iḥMaRRa_ 'he turned red' _yaḥMaRRu_ 'he turns red'
X _istaKTaBa_ 'he asked (someone) to write' _yastaKTiBu_ 'he asks (someone) to write'
Form II is sometimes used to create transitive denominative verbs (verbs built from nouns); Form V is the equivalent used for intransitive denominatives.
The associated participles and verbal nouns of a verb are the primary means of forming new lexical nouns in Arabic. This is similar to the process by which, for example, the English gerund "meeting" (similar to a verbal noun) has turned into a noun referring to a particular type of social, often work-related event where people gather together to have a "discussion" (another lexicalized verbal noun). Another fairly common means of forming nouns is through one of a limited number of patterns that can be applied directly to roots, such as the "nouns of location" in _ma-_ (e.g. _maktab_ 'desk, office' < _k-t-b_ 'write', _maṭbakh_ 'kitchen' < _ṭ-b-kh_ 'cook').
The only three genuine suffixes are as follows:
* The feminine suffix _-ah_; variously derives terms for women from related terms for men, or more generally terms along the same lines as the corresponding masculine, e.g. _maktabah_ 'library' (also a writing-related place, but different from _maktab_, as above). * The nisbah suffix _-iyy-_. This suffix is extremely productive, and forms adjectives meaning "related to X". It corresponds to English adjectives in _-ic, -al, -an, -y, -ist_, etc. * The feminine nisbah suffix _-iyyah_. This is formed by adding the feminine suffix _-ah_ onto nisba adjectives to form abstract nouns. For example, from the basic root _sh-r-k_ 'share' can be derived the Form VIII verb _ishtaraka_ 'to cooperate, participate', and in turn its verbal noun _ishtirāk_ 'cooperation, participation' can be formed. This in turn can be made into a nisbah adjective _ishtirākī_ 'socialist', from which an abstract noun _ishtirākiyyah_ 'socialism' can be derived. Other recent formations are _jumhūriyyah_ 'republic' (lit. "public-ness", < _jumhūr_ 'multitude, general public'), and the Gaddafi -specific variation _jamāhīriyyah_ 'people's republic' (lit. "masses-ness", < _jamāhīr_ 'the masses', pl. of _jumhūr_, as above).
Main article: Varieties of Arabic
The spoken dialects have lost the case distinctions and make only limited use of the dual (it occurs only on nouns and its use is no longer required in all circumstances). They have lost the mood distinctions other than imperative, but many have since gained new moods through the use of prefixes (most often /bi-/ for indicative vs. unmarked subjunctive). They have also mostly lost the indefinite "nunation" and the internal passive.
The following is an example of a regular verb paradigm in Egyptian Arabic.
Example of a regular Form I verb in Egyptian Arabic , _kátab/yíktib_ "write" TENSE/MOOD PAST PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE PRESENT INDICATIVE FUTURE IMPERATIVE
1ST _katáb-t_ _á-ktib_ _bá-ktib_ _ḥá-ktib_ "
2ND MASCULINE _katáb-t_ _tí-ktib_ _bi-tí-ktib_ _ḥa-tí-ktib_ _í-ktib_
FEMININE _katáb-ti_ _ti-ktíb-i_ _bi-ti-ktíb-i_ _ḥa-ti-ktíb-i_ _i-ktíb-i_
3RD MASCULINE _kátab_ _yí-ktib_ _bi-yí-ktib_ _ḥa-yí-ktib_ "
FEMININE _kátab-it_ _tí-ktib_ _bi-tí-ktib_ _ḥa-tí-ktib_
1ST _katáb-na_ _ní-ktib_ _bi-ní-ktib_ _ḥá-ní-ktib_ "
2ND _katáb-tu_ _ti-ktíb-u_ _bi-ti-ktíb-u_ _ḥa-ti-ktíb-u_ _i-ktíb-u_
3RD _kátab-u_ _yi-ktíb-u_ _bi-yi-ktíb-u_ _ḥa-yi-ktíb-u_ "
The Arabic alphabet derives from the Aramaic through Nabatean , to which it bears a loose resemblance like that of Coptic or Cyrillic scripts to Greek script . Traditionally, there were several differences between the Western (North African) and Middle Eastern versions of the alphabet—in particular, the _faʼ_ had a dot underneath and _qaf_ a single dot above in the Maghreb, and the order of the letters was slightly different (at least when they were used as numerals).
However, the old Maghrebi variant has been abandoned except for calligraphic purposes in the Maghreb itself, and remains in use mainly in the Quranic schools (zaouias ) of West Africa. Arabic, like all other Semitic languages (except for the Latin-written Maltese, and the languages with the Ge\'ez script ), is written from right to left. There are several styles of script, notably naskh , which is used in print and by computers, and ruqʻah , which is commonly used in handwriting .
Main article: Islamic calligraphy
After Khalil ibn Ahmad al Farahidi finally fixed the Arabic script around 786, many styles were developed, both for the writing down of the Quran and other books, and for inscriptions on monuments as decoration.
Arabic calligraphy has not fallen out of use as calligraphy has in the Western world, and is still considered by Arabs as a major art form; calligraphers are held in great esteem. Being cursive by nature, unlike the Latin script, Arabic script is used to write down a verse of the Quran, a hadith , or simply a proverb . The composition is often abstract, but sometimes the writing is shaped into an actual form such as that of an animal. One of the current masters of the genre is Hassan Massoudy .
In modern times the intrinsically calligraphic nature of the written Arabic form is haunted by the thought that a typographic approach to the language, necessary for digitized unification, will not always accurately maintain meanings conveyed through calligraphy.
Main article: Romanization of Arabic
Examples of different transliteration/transcription schemes LETTER IPA UNGEGN ALA-LC WEHR DIN ISO SAS - 2 BATR ARABTEX CHAT MALAY
ء ʔ ʼ ʾ ˈ, ˌ ʾ ' e ' 2 '
ا aː ā ʾ ā aa aa / A a a/e/é a/o
ي j , iː y y; ī y; e y; ii y y; i/ee; ei/ai y; i
ث θ th ṯ ç ṯ c _t s/th ts
ج d͡ʒ ~ɡ ~ʒ j ǧ ŷ j j ^g j/g/dj j
ح ħ ḩ ḥ H .h 7 h
خ x kh ḵ ḫ ẖ j x K _h kh/7'/5 kh
ذ ð dh ḏ đ z' _d z/dh/th dz
ش ʃ sh š x ^s sh/ch sy
ص sˤ ş ṣ S .s s/9 sh
ض dˤ ḑ ḍ D .d d/9' dh
ط tˤ ţ ṭ T .tu t/6 th
ظ ðˤ ~zˤ z̧ ẓ đ̣ Z .z z/dh/6' zh
ع ʕ ʻ ʿ ř E ' 3 '
غ ɣ gh ḡ ġ g j g .g gh/3'/8 gh
There are a number of different standards for the romanization of Arabic , i.e. methods of accurately and efficiently representing Arabic with the Latin script. There are various conflicting motivations involved, which leads to multiple systems. Some are interested in transliteration , i.e. representing the _spelling_ of Arabic, while others focus on transcription , i.e. representing the _pronunciation_ of Arabic. (They differ in that, for example, the same letter ي is used to represent both a consonant, as in "You" or "Yet", and a vowel, as in "mE" or "EAt".) Some systems, e.g. for scholarly use, are intended to accurately and unambiguously represent the phonemes of Arabic, generally making the phonetics more explicit than the original word in the Arabic script. These systems are heavily reliant on diacritical marks such as "š" for the sound equivalently written _sh_ in English. Other systems (e.g. the Bahá\'í orthography ) are intended to help readers who are neither Arabic speakers nor linguists with intuitive pronunciation of Arabic names and phrases. These less "scientific" tend to avoid diacritics and use digraphs (like _sh_ and _kh_). These are usually simpler to read, but sacrifice the definiteness of the scientific systems, and may lead to ambiguities, e.g. whether to interpret _sh_ as a single sound, as in _gash_, or a combination of two sounds, as in _gashouse_. The ALA-LC romanization solves this problem by separating the two sounds with a prime symbol ( ′ ); e.g., _as′hal_ 'easier'.
During the last few decades and especially since the 1990s, Western-invented text communication technologies have become prevalent in the Arab world, such as personal computers , the World Wide Web , email , bulletin board systems , IRC , instant messaging and mobile phone text messaging . Most of these technologies originally had the ability to communicate using the Latin script only, and some of them still do not have the Arabic script as an optional feature. As a result, Arabic speaking users communicated in these technologies by transliterating the Arabic text using the Latin script, sometimes known as IM Arabic.
To handle those Arabic letters that cannot be accurately represented using the Latin script, numerals and other characters were appropriated. For example, the numeral "3" may be used to represent the Arabic letter ⟨ع⟩. There is no universal name for this type of transliteration, but some have named it Arabic Chat Alphabet . Other systems of transliteration exist, such as using dots or capitalization to represent the "emphatic" counterparts of certain consonants. For instance, using capitalization, the letter ⟨د⟩, may be represented by D. Its emphatic counterpart, ⟨ض⟩, may be written as D.
In most of present-day North Africa, the Western Arabic numerals (0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9) are used. However, in Egypt and Arabic-speaking countries to the east of it, the Eastern Arabic numerals (٠ – ١ – ٢ – ٣ – ٤ – ٥ – ٦ – ٧ – ٨ – ٩) are in use. When representing a number in Arabic, the lowest-valued position is placed on the right, so the order of positions is the same as in left-to-right scripts. Sequences of digits such as telephone numbers are read from left to right, but numbers are spoken in the traditional Arabic fashion, with units and tens reversed from the modern English usage. For example, 24 is said "four and twenty" just like in the German language (_vierundzwanzig_) and Classical Hebrew , and 1975 is said "a thousand and nine-hundred and five and seventy" or, more eloquently, "a thousand and nine-hundred five seventy"
Academy of the Arabic Language is the name of a number of language-regulation bodies formed in the Arab League. The most active are in Damascus and Cairo . They review language development, monitor new words and approve inclusion of new words into their published standard dictionaries. They also publish old and historical Arabic manuscripts. See also: Arabic Language International Council
AS A FOREIGN LANGUAGE
Arabic has been taught worldwide in many elementary and secondary schools, especially Muslim schools. Universities around the world have classes that teach Arabic as part of their foreign languages , Middle Eastern studies , and religious studies courses. Arabic language schools exist to assist students to learn Arabic outside the academic world. There are many Arabic language schools in the Arab world and other Muslim countries. Because the Quran is written in Arabic and all Islamic terms are in Arabic, millions of Muslims (both Arab and non-Arab) study the language. Software and books with tapes are also important part of Arabic learning, as many of Arabic learners may live in places where there are no academic or Arabic language school classes available. Radio series of Arabic language classes are also provided from some radio stations. A number of websites on the Internet provide online classes for all levels as a means of distance education; most teach Modern Standard Arabic, but some teach regional varieties from numerous countries.
ARABIC SPEAKERS AND OTHER LANGUAGES
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Historically, Arab linguists considered the Arabic language to be superior to all other languages, and took almost no interest in learning any language other than Arabic. With the sole example of Medieval linguist Abu Hayyan al-Gharnati - who, while a scholar of the Arabic language, was not ethnically Arab - scholars of the Arabic language made no efforts at studying comparative linguistics, considering all other languages inferior.
In modern times, the educated upper classes in the Arab world have taken a nearly opposite view. Yasir Suleiman wrote in 2011 that "studying and knowing English or French in most of the Middle East and North Africa have become a badge of sophistication and modernity and ... feigning, or asserting, weakness or lack of facility in Arabic is sometimes paraded as a sign of status, class, and perversely, even education through a mélange of code-switching practises." Arab-American professor Franck Salamah went as far as to declare Arabic a dead language conveying dead ideas, blaming its stagnation for Arab intellectual stagnation and lamenting that great writers in Arabic are judged by their command of the language and not the merit of the ideas they express with it.
* Arabic diglossia * AIDA - International Association of Arabic Dialectology * Arabic grammar * Arabic influence on the Spanish language * Arabic literature * Arabic–English Lexicon * Arabist * _ Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic _ * Glossary of Islam * List of Arabic neighborhoods * List of arabophones * List of countries where Arabic is an official language * List of French words of Arabic origin * List of Portuguese words of Arabic origin * List of replaced loanwords in Turkish * List of Arabic-language television channels * List of Arab newspapers
* Islam portal
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Retrieved 2016-07-17. * ^ https://books.google.pl/books?id=RiarBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA299&lpg=PA299&dq=vernacular+arabic+simplified+creoles+islamic+conquests&source=bl&ots=9fxdM5gYf5&sig=UVYaAC_Tu-GHqwhBkDcrXwokOBc&hl=pl&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjPipK-qPPTAhVKIsAKHZKVCGgQ6AEINjAF#v=onepage&q=vernacular%20arabic%20simplified%20creoles%20islamic%20conquests&f=false * ^ https://books.google.pl/books?id=VM6M1351GWsC&pg=PA198&lpg=PA198&dq=theory+creolization+arabic+arab+conquests+inflections&source=bl&ots=sfX8gOVpUR&sig=0HRQ-Jn6JY_rqAUySbWFnq7bpvc&hl=pl&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjjyZfghfPTAhXIL8AKHVwYAxQQ6AEILDAB#v=onepage&q=theory%20creolization%20arabic%20arab%20conquests%20inflections&f=false * ^ Kaye (1991 :?) * ^ " Arabic Language." Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2009. Retrieved on 29 July 2009. * ^ Jenkins, Orville Boyd (18 March 2000), _Population Analysis of the Arabic Languages_ * ^ Janet C. E. Watson, The Phonology and Morphology of Arabic, Introduction, pg. xix. Oxford : Oxford University Press , 2007. ISBN 978-0-19-160775-2 * ^ Proceedings and Debates of the 107th United States Congress Congressional Record , pg. 10,462. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office , 2002. * ^ Shalom Staub, Yemenis in New York City: The Folklore of Ethnicity, pg. 124. Philadelphia : Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies , 1989. ISBN 978-0-944190-05-0 * ^ Daniel Newman , Arabic-English Thematic Lexicon, pg. 1. London: Routledge, 2007. ISBN 978-1-134-10392-8 * ^ Rebecca L. Torstrick and Elizabeth Faier, Culture and Customs of the Arab Gulf States, pg. 41. Santa Barbara : ABC-CLIO , 2009. ISBN 978-0-313-33659-1 * ^ Walter J. Ong , Interfaces of the Word: Studies in the Evolution of Consciousness and Culture, pg. 32. Ithaca : Cornell University Press , 2012. ISBN 978-0-8014-6630-4 * ^ Clive Holes, Modern Arabic: Structures, Functions, and Varieties, pg. 3. Washington, D.C. : Georgetown University Press , 2004. ISBN 978-1-58901-022-2 * ^ Nizar Y. Habash,Introduction to Arabic Natural Language Processing, pgs. 1–2. San Rafael : Morgan & Claypool Publishers, 2010. ISBN 978-1-59829-795-9 * ^ Bernard Bate, Tamil Oratory and the Dravidian Aesthetic: Democratic Practice in South India, pgs. 14–15. New York : Columbia University Press , 2013. ISBN 978-0-231-51940-3 * ^ EB staff. " Maltese language – Britannica Online Encyclopedia". Britannica.com. Retrieved 4 May 2010. * ^ Gregersen (1977 :237) * ^ See the seminal study by Siegmund Fraenkel, _Die aramäischen Fremdwörter im Arabischen_, Leiden 1886 (repr. 1962) * ^ See for instance Wilhelm Eilers, "Iranisches Lehngut im Arabischen", _Actas IV. Congresso des Estudos Árabes et Islâmicos, Coimbra, Lisboa_, Leiden 1971, with earlier references. * ^ _A_ _B_ _C_ _D_ _E_ _F_ _G_ Shrivtiel, Shraybom (1998). _The Question of Romanisation of the Script and The Emergence of Nationalism in the Middle East_. Mediterranean Language Review. pp. 179–196. * ^ _A_ _B_ _C_ _D_ Shrivtiel, p. 188 * ^ _A_ _B_ _C_ Shrivtiel, p. 189 * ^ " Arabic – the mother of all languages – Al Islam Online". Alislam.org. Archived from the original on 30 April 2010. Retrieved 4 May 2010. * ^ Coffman, James (December 1995). "Does the Arabic Language Encourage Radical Islam?". Middle East Quarterly. Retrieved 5 December 2008. * ^ Ferguson, Charles (1959), "The Arabic Koine", _Language_, 35 (4): 616–630, doi :10.2307/410601 * ^ _Arabic, Egyptian Spoken_ (18th ed.). Ethnologue . 2006. * ^ Borg and Azzopardi-Alexander _Maltese_ (1997:xiii) "The immediate source for the Arabic vernacular spoken in Malta was Muslim Sicily, but its ultimate origin appears to have been Tunisia. In fact Maltese displays some areal traits typical of Maghrebine Arabic, although during the past eight hundred years of independent evolution it has drifted apart from Tunisian Arabic". * ^ Borg and Azzopardi-Alexander _Maltese_ (1997:xiii) * ^ Lipinski (1997 :124) * ^ Al-Jallad, 42 * ^ Watson (2002 :5, 15–16) * ^ _A_ _B_ _C_ Watson (2002 :2) * ^ Watson (2002 :16) * ^ Watson (2002 :18) * ^ Ferguson, Charles (1959), "The Arabic Koine", _Language_, 35 (4): 630, doi :10.2307/410601 * ^ e.g., Thelwall (2003 :52) * ^ Watson, Janet (2002). _The Phonology and Morphology of Arabic_ (PDF). New York: Oxford University Press. p. 13. * ^ Al-Jallad, Ahmad (2015). _An Outline of the Grammar of the Safaitic Inscriptions_. BRILL. p. 48. * ^ Rydin, Karin C. (2005). A reference grammar of Modern Standard Arabic. New York: Cambridge University Press. * ^ Hanna & Greis (1972 :2) * ^ Osborn, J.R. (2009). "Narratives of Arabic Script: Calligraphic Design and Modern Spaces". _Design and Culture_. 1 (3). * ^ Kharusi, N. S. & Salman, A. (2011) The English Transliteration of Place Names in Oman. Journal of Academic and Applied Studies Vol. 1(3) September 2011, pp. 1–27 Available online at www.academians.org * ^ "Reviews of Language Courses". Lang1234. Retrieved 12 September 2012. * ^ Kees Versteegh , _The Arabic Linguistic Tradition_, pg. 106. Part of Landmarks in Linguistic Thought series, vol. 3. New York : Routledge , 1997. ISBN 978-0-415-15757-5 * ^ Suleiman, p. 93 * ^ Franck Salamah, Language, Memory, and Identity in the Middle East: The Case for Lebanon, Introduction, pg. xvi. Lanham : Lexington Books , 2010. ISBN 978-0-7391-3740-6
* _As-Sabil_ * Bateson, Mary Catherine (2003), _ Arabic Language Handbook_, Georgetown University Press, ISBN 0-87840-386-8 * Durand, Olivier; Langone, Angela D.; Mion, Giuliano (2010), _Corso di Arabo Contemporaneo. Lingua Standard_ (in Italian), Milan: Hoepli, ISBN 978-88-203-4552-5 * Gregersen, Edgar A. (1977), _Language in Africa_, CRC Press, ISBN 0-677-04380-5 * Grigore, George (2007), _L\'arabe parlé à Mardin. Monographie d\'un parler arabe périphérique_, Bucharest: Editura Universitatii din Bucuresti, ISBN 978-973-737-249-9 , archived from the original on 27 September 2007 * Hanna, Sami A.; Greis, Naguib (1972), _Writing Arabic: A Linguistic Approach, from Sounds to Script_, Brill Archive, ISBN 90-04-03589-3 * Haywood; Nahmad (1965), _A new Arabic grammar_, London: Lund Humphries, ISBN 0-85331-585-X * Hetzron, Robert (1997), _The Semitic languages_ (Illustrated ed.), Taylor & Francis, ISBN 978-0-415-05767-7 * Irwin, Robert (2006), _For Lust of Knowing_, London: Allen Lane * Kaplan, Robert B.; Baldauf, Richard B. (2007), _Language Planning and Policy in Africa_, Multilingual Matters, ISBN 1-85359-726-0 * Kaye, Alan S. (1991), "The Hamzat al-Waṣl in Contemporary Modern Standard Arabic", _Journal of the American Oriental Society_, American Oriental Society, 111 (3): 572–574, JSTOR 604273 , doi :10.2307/604273 * Lane, Edward William (1893), _Arabic–English Lexicon_ (2003 reprint ed.), New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, ISBN 81-206-0107-6 * Lipinski, Edward (1997), _Semitic Languages_, Leuven: Peeters * Mion, Giuliano (2007), _La Lingua Araba_ (in Italian), Rome: Carocci, ISBN 978-88-430-4394-1 * Mumisa, Michael (2003), _Introducing Arabic_, Goodword Books, ISBN 81-7898-211-0 * Procházka, S. (2006), ""Arabic"", _Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics_ (2nd ed.) * Steingass, Francis Joseph (1993), _Arabic–English Dictionary_, Asian Educational Services, ISBN 978-81-206-0855-9 * Suileman, Yasir. _Arabic, Self and Identity: A Study in Conflict and Displacement_. Oxford University Press , 10 August 2011. ISBN 0-19-974701-6 , 978-0-19-974701-6. * Thelwall, Robin (2003). "Arabic". _Handbook of the International Phonetic Association a guide to the use of the international phonetic alphabet_. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge. ISBN 0-521-63751-1 . * Traini, R. (1961), _Vocabolario di arabo_ (in Italian), Rome: I.P.O., Harassowitz * Vaglieri, Laura Veccia, _Grammatica teorico-pratica della lingua araba_, Rome: I.P.O. * Versteegh, Kees (1997), _The Arabic Language_, Edinburgh University Press, ISBN 90-04-17702-7 * Watson, Janet (2002), _The Phonology and Morphology of Arabic_, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-824137-2 * Wehr, Hans (1952), _Arabisches Wörterbuch für die Schriftsprache der Gegenwart : Arabisch-Deutsch_ (1985 reprint (English) ed.), Harassowitz, ISBN 3-447-01998-0 * Wright, John W. (2001), _The New York Times Almanac 2002_, Routledge, ISBN 1-57958-348-2
_ ARABIC EDITION _ of Wikipedia , the free encyclopedia
_ For a list of words relating to Arabic, see the ARABIC_ category of words in Wiktionary , the free dictionary.
_ Wikiversity has learning resources about ARABIC _
_ Wikibooks has a book on the topic of: ARABIC _
_ Wikimedia Commons has media related to ARABIC LANGUAGE _.
_ Wikivoyage has a phrasebook for ARABIC _.
* Arabic: a Category III language Languages which are difficult for native English speakers. * Dr. Nizar Habash\'s, Columbia University, Introduction to Arabic Natural Language Processing * Google Ta3reeb – Google Transliteration * Transliteration Arabic language pronunciation applet * _Alexis Neme (2011), A lexicon of Arabic verbs constructed on the basis of Semitic taxonomy and using finite-state transducers_ * _Alexis Neme and Eric Laporte (2013), Pattern-and-root inflectional morphology: the Arabic broken plural_ * _Alexis Neme and Eric Laporte (2015), Do computer scientists deeply understand Arabic morphology? - هل يفهم المهندسون الحاسوبيّون علم الصرف فهماً عميقاً؟_, available also in Arabic, Indonesian, French * _ Jastrow, Morris (1905). " Arabic Language and Literature". New International Encyclopedia _. * Arabic manuscripts, UA 5572 at L. Tom Perry Special Collections, Brigham Young University Online Arabic Keyboard
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