Antonio Francesco Gramsci (Italian: [anˈtɔːnjo franˈtʃesko
ˈɡramʃi], listen (help·info); 22 January 1891 – 27
April 1937) was an Italian Marxist philosopher and politician. He
wrote on political theory, sociology and linguistics. He attempted to
break from the economic determinism of traditional Marxist thought and
so is considered a key neo-Marxist. He was a founding member and
one-time leader of the
Communist Party of Italy
Communist Party of Italy and was imprisoned by
Benito Mussolini's Fascist regime.
He wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and
analysis during his imprisonment. His
Prison Notebooks are considered
a highly original contribution to 20th century political theory.
Gramsci drew insights from varying sources – not only other Marxists
but also thinkers such as Niccolò Machiavelli, Vilfredo Pareto,
Georges Sorel and Benedetto Croce. The notebooks cover a wide range of
topics, including Italian history and nationalism, the French
Revolution, Fascism, Fordism, civil society, folklore, religion and
high and popular culture.
Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which
describes how the state and ruling capitalist class – the
bourgeoisie – use cultural institutions to maintain power in
capitalist societies. The bourgeoisie in Gramsci's view develops a
hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force,
or coercion. Hegemonic culture propagates its own values and norms so
that they become the "common sense" values of all and thus maintain
the status quo. Hegemonic power is therefore used to maintain consent
to the capitalist order, rather than coercive power using force to
maintain order. This cultural hegemony is produced and reproduced by
the dominant class through the institutions that form the
1.1 Early life
1.3 In the Communist Party of Italy
1.4 Imprisonment and death
2.2 Intellectuals and education
2.3 State and civil society
2.5 Critique of "economism"
2.6 Critique of materialism
3.1 In popular culture
5 See also
7 Cited sources
8 Further reading
9 External links
Gramsci was born in Ales, on the island of Sardinia, the fourth of
seven sons of Francesco Gramsci (1860–1937). The senior Gramsci was
a low-level official from
Gaeta who married Giuseppina Marcias
(1861–1932). Gramsci's father was of Arbëreshë descent, though
Gramsci mistakenly believed his father's family had left Albania as
recently as 1821. His mother belonged to a local landowning
family. The senior Gramsci's financial difficulties and troubles
with the police forced the family to move about through several
Sardinia until they finally settled in Ghilarza.
In 1898 Francesco was convicted of embezzlement and imprisoned,
reducing his family to destitution. The young Antonio had to abandon
schooling and work at various casual jobs until his father's release
in 1904. As a boy, Gramsci suffered from health problems,
particularly a malformation of the spine that stunted his growth (his
adult height was less than 5 feet) and left him seriously
hunchbacked. For decades, it was reported that his condition had been
due to a childhood accident—specifically, having been dropped by a
nanny—but more recently it has been suggested that it was due to
Pott disease, a form of tuberculosis that can cause deformity of
the spine. Gramsci was also plagued by various internal disorders
throughout his life.
Gramsci completed secondary school in Cagliari, where he lodged with
his elder brother Gennaro, a former soldier whose time on the mainland
had made him a militant socialist. However, Gramsci's sympathies then
did not lie with socialism, but rather with the grievances of
impoverished Sardinian peasants and miners. They perceived
their neglect as a result of privileges enjoyed by the rapidly
industrialising North, and they tended to turn to a growing Sardinian
nationalism, brutally repressed by troops from the Italian
mainland, as a response.
University of Turin: the Rectorate
In 1911, Gramsci won a scholarship to study at the University of
Turin, sitting the exam at the same time as Palmiro Togliatti. At
Turin, he read literature and took a keen interest in linguistics,
which he studied under Matteo Bartoli. Gramsci was in
Turin as it was
going through industrialization, with the
recruiting workers from poorer regions. Trade unions became
established, and the first industrial social conflicts started to
emerge. Gramsci frequented socialist circles as well as
associating with Sardinian emigrants on the Italian mainland. His
worldview was shaped by both his earlier experiences in
his environment on the mainland. Gramsci joined the Italian Socialist
Party in late 1913, where he would later occupy a key position and
Turin the Russian revolutionary process.
Although showing talent for his studies, Gramsci had financial
problems and poor health. Together with his growing political
commitment, these led to his abandoning his education in early 1915,
at age 24. By this time, he had acquired an extensive knowledge of
history and philosophy. At university, he had come into contact with
the thought of Antonio Labriola, Rodolfo Mondolfo, Giovanni Gentile,
and most importantly, Benedetto Croce, possibly the most widely
respected Italian intellectual of his day. Labriola especially
propounded a brand of
Marxism that he labelled "philosophy of
praxis". Although Gramsci later used this phrase to escape the
prison censors, his relationship with this current of thought was
ambiguous throughout his life.
From 1914 onward, Gramsci's writings for socialist newspapers such as
Il Grido del Popolo earned him a reputation as a notable journalist.
In 1916, he became co-editor of the
Piedmont edition of Avanti!, the
Socialist Party official organ. An articulate and prolific writer of
political theory, Gramsci proved a formidable commentator, writing on
all aspects of Turin's social and political life.
Gramsci was, at this time, also involved in the education and
Turin workers; he spoke in public for the first time
in 1916 and gave talks on topics such as Romain Rolland, the French
Revolution, the Paris Commune, and the emancipation of women. In the
wake of the arrest of Socialist Party leaders that followed the
revolutionary riots of August 1917, Gramsci became one of Turin's
leading socialists when he was both elected to the party's Provisional
Committee and made editor of Il Grido del Popolo.
In April 1919, with Togliatti,
Angelo Tasca and Umberto Terracini,
Gramsci set up the weekly newspaper
L'Ordine Nuovo (The New Order). In
October the same year, despite being divided into various hostile
factions, the Socialist Party moved by a large majority to join the
Third International. The
L'Ordine Nuovo group was seen by Vladimir
Lenin as closest in orientation to the Bolsheviks, and it received his
backing against the anti-parliamentary programme of the left communist
Among tactical debates within the party, Gramsci's group was mainly
distinguished by its advocacy of workers' councils, which had come
into existence in
Turin spontaneously during the large strikes of 1919
and 1920. For Gramsci, these councils were the proper means of
enabling workers to take control of the task of organising production.
Although he believed his position at this time to be in keeping with
Lenin's policy of "All power to the Soviets", his stance that these
Italian councils were communist, rather than just one organ of
political struggle against the bourgeoisie, was attacked by Bordiga
for betraying a syndicalist tendency influenced by the thought of
Georges Sorel and Daniel DeLeon. By the time of the defeat of the
Turin workers in spring 1920, Gramsci was almost alone in his defence
of the councils.
In the Communist Party of Italy
Julia Schucht with sons
The failure of the workers' councils to develop into a national
movement convinced Gramsci that a Communist Party in the Leninist
sense was needed. The group around
L'Ordine Nuovo declaimed
incessantly against the Italian Socialist Party's centrist leadership
and ultimately allied with Bordiga's far larger "abstentionist"
faction. On 21 January 1921, in the town of
Livorno (Leghorn), the
Communist Party of Italy
Communist Party of Italy (Partito Comunista d'Italia – PCI) was
founded. Gramsci supported against Bordiga the Arditi del Popolo, a
militant anti-fascist group which struggled against the Blackshirts.
Gramsci would be a leader of the party from its inception but was
subordinate to Bordiga, whose emphasis on discipline, centralism and
purity of principles dominated the party's programme until he lost the
leadership in 1924.
In 1922, Gramsci travelled to Russia as a representative of the new
party. Here, he met Julia Schucht, a young violinist whom he married
in 1923 and by whom he had two sons, Delio (born 1924) and Giuliano
(born 1926). Gramsci never saw his second son.
Antonio Gramsci commemorative plaque,
Mokhovaya Street 16, Moscow. The
inscription reads "In this building in 1922–1923 worked the eminent
figure of international communism and the labor movement and founder
Italian Communist Party
Italian Communist Party ANTONIO GRAMSCI."
The Russian mission coincided with the advent of fascism in Italy, and
Gramsci returned with instructions to foster, against the wishes of
the PCI leadership, a united front of leftist parties against fascism.
Such a front would ideally have had the PCI at its centre, through
which Moscow would have controlled all the leftist forces, but others
disputed this potential supremacy: socialists did have a certain
tradition in Italy, too, while the Communist Party seemed relatively
young and too radical. Many believed that an eventual coalition led by
communists would have functioned too remotely from political debate,
and thus would have run the risk of isolation.
In late 1922 and early 1923, Benito Mussolini's government embarked on
a campaign of repression against the opposition parties, arresting
most of the PCI leadership, including Bordiga. At the end of 1923,
Gramsci travelled from Moscow to Vienna, where he tried to revive a
party torn by factional strife.
In 1924 Gramsci, now recognised as head of the PCI, gained election as
a deputy for the Veneto. He started organizing the launch of the
official newspaper of the party, called
L'Unità (Unity), living in
Rome while his family stayed in Moscow. At its Lyon Congress in
January 1926, Gramsci's theses calling for a united front to restore
Italy were adopted by the party.
In 1926, Joseph Stalin's manoeuvres inside the Bolshevik party moved
Gramsci to write a letter to the
Comintern in which he deplored the
opposition led by
Leon Trotsky but also underlined some presumed
faults of the leader. Togliatti, in Moscow as a representative of the
party, received the letter, opened it, read it, and decided not to
deliver it. This caused a difficult conflict between Gramsci and
Togliatti which they never completely resolved.
Imprisonment and death
Gramsci's grave at the Cimitero Acattolico in Rome
On 9 November 1926, the Fascist government enacted a new wave of
emergency laws, taking as a pretext an alleged attempt on Mussolini's
life several days earlier. The fascist police arrested Gramsci,
despite his parliamentary immunity, and brought him to the Roman
prison Regina Coeli.
At his trial, Gramsci's prosecutor stated, "For twenty years we must
stop this brain from functioning". He received an immediate
sentence of five years in confinement on the island of
Ustica and the
following year he received a sentence of 20 years' imprisonment in
Turi, near Bari.
Over 11 years in prison, his health deteriorated: "His teeth fell out,
his digestive system collapsed so that he could not eat solid food...
he had convulsions when he vomited blood, and suffered headaches so
violent that he beat his head against the walls of his cell."
An international campaign, organised by
Piero Sraffa at Cambridge
University and Gramsci's sister-in-law Tatiana, was mounted to demand
Gramsci's release. In 1933 he was moved from the prison at Turi to
a clinic at Formia, but was still being denied adequate medical
attention. Two years later he was moved to the "Quisisana" clinic
in Rome. He was due for release on 21 April 1937 and planned to retire
Sardinia for convalescence, but a combination of arteriosclerosis,
pulmonary tuberculosis, high blood pressure, angina, gout and acute
gastric disorders meant that he was too ill to move. Gramsci died
on 27 April 1937, at the age of 46. His ashes are buried in the
Cimitero Acattolico (Non-Catholic Cemetery) in Rome.
Gramsci was one of the most important Marxist thinkers of the 20th
century, and a particularly key thinker in the development of Western
Marxism. He wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history
and analysis during his imprisonment. These writings, known as the
Prison Notebooks, contain Gramsci's tracing of Italian history and
nationalism, as well as some ideas in Marxist theory, critical theory
and educational theory associated with his name, such as:
Cultural hegemony as a means of maintaining and legitimising the
The need for popular workers' education to encourage development of
intellectuals from the working class;
An analysis of the modern capitalist state that distinguishes between
political society, which dominates directly and coercively, and civil
society, where leadership is constituted by means of consent;
A critique of economic determinism that opposes fatalistic
interpretations of Marxism;
A critique of pre-Marxist philosophical materialism.
Further information: Cultural hegemony
Hegemony was a term previously used by Marxists such as Vladimir Lenin
to denote the political leadership of the working-class in a
democratic revolution.:15–17 Gramsci greatly expanded this
concept, developing an acute analysis of how the ruling capitalist
class – the bourgeoisie – establishes and maintains its
Marxism had predicted that socialist revolution was
inevitable in capitalist societies. By the early 20th century, no such
revolution had occurred in the most advanced nations. Capitalism, it
seemed, was more entrenched than ever. Capitalism, Gramsci suggested,
maintained control not just through violence and political and
economic coercion, but also through ideology. The bourgeoisie
developed a hegemonic culture, which propagated its own values and
norms so that they became the "common sense" values of all. People in
the working-class (and other classes) identified their own good with
the good of the bourgeoisie, and helped to maintain the status quo
rather than revolting.
To counter the notion that bourgeois values represented "natural" or
"normal" values for society, the working class needed to develop a
culture of its own. Lenin held that culture was "ancillary" to
political objectives, but for Gramsci it was fundamental to the
attainment of power that cultural hegemony be achieved first. In
Gramsci's view, a class cannot dominate in modern conditions by merely
advancing its own narrow economic interests; neither can it dominate
purely through force and coercion. Rather, it must exert intellectual
and moral leadership, and make alliances and compromises with a
variety of forces. Gramsci calls this union of social forces a
"historic bloc", taking a term from Georges Sorel. This bloc forms the
basis of consent to a certain social order, which produces and
re-produces the hegemony of the dominant class through a nexus of
institutions, social relations, and ideas. In this way, Gramsci's
theory emphasized the importance of the political and ideological
superstructure in both maintaining and fracturing relations of the
Gramsci stated that bourgeois cultural values were tied to folklore,
popular culture and religion, and therefore much of his analysis of
hegemonic culture is aimed at these. He was also impressed by the
Roman Catholicism had and the care the Church had taken to
prevent an excessive gap developing between the religion of the
learned and that of the less educated. Gramsci saw
Marxism as a
marriage of the purely intellectual critique of religion found in
Renaissance humanism and the elements of the Reformation that had
appealed to the masses. For Gramsci,
Marxism could supersede religion
only if it met people's spiritual needs, and to do so people would
have to think of it as an expression of their own experience.
For Gramsci, hegemonic dominance ultimately relied on a "consented"
coercion, and in a "crisis of authority" the "masks of consent" slip
away, revealing the fist of force.
Intellectuals and education
Gramsci gave much thought to the role of intellectuals in society.
Famously, he stated that all men are intellectuals, in that all have
intellectual and rational faculties, but not all men have the social
function of intellectuals. He saw modern intellectuals not as
talkers, but as practically-minded directors and organisers who
produced hegemony through ideological apparatuses such as education
and the media. Furthermore, he distinguished between a "traditional"
intelligentsia which sees itself (wrongly) as a class apart from
society, and the thinking groups which every class produces from its
own ranks "organically". Such "organic" intellectuals do not simply
describe social life in accordance with scientific rules, but instead
articulate, through the language of culture, the feelings and
experiences which the masses could not express for themselves. To
Gramsci, it was the duty of organic intellectuals to speak to the
obscured precepts of folk wisdom, or common sense (senso comune), of
their respective politic spheres. These intellectuals would represent
excluded social groups of a society, what Gramsci referred to as the
In line with Gramsci's theories of hegemonic power, he argued that
capitalist power needed to be challenged by building a
counter-hegemony. By this he meant that, as part of the war of
position, the organic intellectuals and others within the
working-class, need to develop alternative values and an alternative
ideology in contrast to bourgeois ideology. He argued that the reason
this had not needed to happen in Russia was because the Russian
ruling-class did not have genuine hegemonic power. So the Bolsheviks
were able to see through a war of manoeuvre (the 1917 revolution),
relatively easily, because ruling-class hegemony had never been fully
achieved. He believed that a final war of manoeuvre was only possible,
in the developed and advanced capitalist societies, when the war of
position had been won by the organic intellectuals and the
working-class building a counter-hegemony.
The need to create a working-class culture and a counter-hegemony
relates to Gramsci's call for a kind of education that could develop
working-class intellectuals, whose task was not to introduce Marxist
ideology into the consciousness of the proletariat as a set of foreign
notions, but to renovate the existing intellectual activity of the
masses and make it natively critical of the status quo. His ideas
about an education system for this purpose correspond with the notion
of critical pedagogy and popular education as theorized and practised
in later decades by
Paulo Freire in Brazil, and have much in common
with the thought of Frantz Fanon. For this reason, partisans of adult
and popular education consider Gramsci an important voice to this day.
State and civil society
Gramsci's theory of hegemony is tied to his conception of the
capitalist state. Gramsci does not understand the 'state' in the
narrow sense of the government. Instead, he divides it between
'political society' (the police, the army, legal system, etc.) – the
arena of political institutions and legal constitutional control –
and 'civil society' (the family, the education system, trade unions,
etc.) – commonly seen as the 'private' or 'non-state' sphere,
mediating between the state and the economy. However, he stresses that
the division is purely conceptual and that the two often overlap in
reality. Gramsci claims the capitalist state rules through force
plus consent: political society is the realm of force and civil
society is the realm of consent.
Gramsci proffers that under modern capitalism, the bourgeoisie can
maintain its economic control by allowing certain demands made by
trade unions and mass political parties within civil society to be met
by the political sphere. Thus, the bourgeoisie engages in passive
revolution by going beyond its immediate economic interests and
allowing the forms of its hegemony to change. Gramsci posits that
movements such as reformism and fascism, as well as the 'scientific
management' and assembly line methods of Frederick Taylor and Henry
Ford, respectively, are examples of this.
Drawing from Machiavelli, he argues that 'The Modern Prince' – the
revolutionary party – is the force that will allow the working-class
to develop organic intellectuals and an alternative hegemony within
civil society. For Gramsci, the complex nature of modern civil society
means that a 'war of position', carried out by revolutionaries through
political agitation, the trade unions, advancement of proletarian
culture, and other ways to create an opposing civil society was
necessary alongside a 'war of manoeuvre' – a direct revolution –
in order to have a successful revolution without a danger of a
counter-revolution or degeneration.
Despite his claim that the lines between the two may be blurred,
Gramsci rejects the state-worship that results from identifying
political society with civil society, as was done by the Jacobins and
Fascists. He believes the proletariat's historical task is to create a
'regulated society' and defines the 'withering away of the state' as
the full development of civil society's ability to regulate itself.
Gramsci, like the early Marx, was an emphatic proponent of
historicism. In Gramsci's view, all meaning derives from the
relation between human practical activity (or "praxis") and the
"objective" historical and social processes of which it is a part.
Ideas cannot be understood outside their social and historical
context, apart from their function and origin. The concepts by which
we organise our knowledge of the world do not derive primarily from
our relation to things (to an objective reality), but rather from the
social relations (economic, for Marx) between the bearers of those
concepts. As a result, there is no such thing as an unchanging "human
nature". Furthermore, philosophy and science do not "reflect" a
reality independent of man. Rather, a theory can be said to be "true"
when, in any given historical situation, it expresses the real
developmental trend of that situation.
For the majority of Marxists, truth was truth no matter when and where
it is known, and scientific knowledge (which included Marxism)
accumulated historically as the advance of truth in this everyday
sense. In this view,
Marxism (or the
Marxist theory of history and
economics) did not belong to the illusory realm of the superstructure
because it is a science. In contrast, Gramsci believed
"true" in a socially pragmatic sense: by articulating the class
consciousness of the proletariat,
Marxism expressed the "truth" of its
times better than any other theory. This anti-scientistic and
anti-positivist stance was indebted to the influence of Benedetto
Croce. However, it should be underlined that Gramsci's "absolute
historicism" broke with Croce's tendency to secure a metaphysical
synthesis in historical "destiny". Though Gramsci repudiates the
charge, his historical account of truth has been criticised as a form
Critique of "economism"
Part of a series on
Economic and Philosophic
Manuscripts of 1844
Theses on Feuerbach
The German Ideology
The Communist Manifesto
The Eighteenth Brumaire of
Grundrisse der Kritik
der Politischen Ökonomie
A Contribution to the
Critique of Political Economy
Dialectics of Nature
Philosophy of nature
Factors of production
Means of labor
Mode of production
Law of value
Socialist mode of production
Base and superstructure
Dictatorship of the proletariat
Relations of production
Anarchism and Marxism
Philosophy in the Soviet Union
Primitive capital accumulation
Marxism and religion
Daniel De Leon
Ho Chi Minh
Josip Broz Tito
Theodor W. Adorno
C. Wright Mills
Simone de Beauvoir
Richard D. Wolff
In a notable pre-prison article entitled "The Revolution against Das
Kapital", Gramsci wrote that the
October Revolution in Russia had
invalidated the idea that socialist revolution had to await the full
development of capitalist forces of production. This reflected his
Marxism was not a determinist philosophy. The principle of
the causal "primacy" of the forces of production was a misconception
of Marxism. Both economic changes and cultural changes are expressions
of a "basic historical process", and it is difficult to say which
sphere has primacy over the other. The belief from the earliest years
of the workers' movement that it would inevitably triumph due to
"historical laws" was a product of the historical circumstances of an
oppressed class restricted mainly to defensive action. This fatalistic
doctrine was to be abandoned as a hindrance once the working-class
became able to take the initiative. Because
Marxism is a "philosophy
of praxis", it cannot rely on unseen "historical laws" as the agents
of social change. History is defined by human praxis and therefore
includes human will. Nonetheless, will-power cannot achieve anything
it likes in any given situation: when the consciousness of the
working-class reaches the stage of development necessary for action,
it will encounter historical circumstances that cannot be arbitrarily
altered. However, it is not predetermined by historical inevitability
or "destiny" as to which of several possible developments will take
place as a result.
His critique of economism also extended to that practised by the
syndicalists of the Italian trade unions. He believed that many trade
unionists had settled for a reformist, gradualist approach in that
they had refused to struggle on the political front in addition to the
economic front. For Gramsci, much as the ruling class can look beyond
its own immediate economic interests to reorganise the forms of its
own hegemony, so must the working-class present its own interests as
congruous with the universal advancement of society. While Gramsci
envisioned the trade unions as one organ of a counter-hegemonic force
in capitalist society, the trade union leaders simply saw these
organizations as a means to improve conditions within the existing
structure. Gramsci referred to the views of these trade unionists as
"vulgar economism", which he equated to covert reformism and even
Critique of materialism
By virtue of his belief that human history and collective praxis
determine whether any philosophical question is meaningful or not,
Gramsci's views run contrary to the metaphysical materialism and
'copy' theory of perception advanced by Engels and Lenin,
though he does not explicitly state this. For Gramsci,
not deal with a reality that exists in and for itself, independent of
humanity. The concept of an objective universe outside of human
history and human praxis was analogous to belief in God. Gramsci
defined objectivity in terms of a universal intersubjectivity to be
established in a future communist society. Natural history was
thus only meaningful in relation to human history. In his view
philosophical materialism resulted from a lack of critical
thought, and could not be said to oppose religious dogma and
superstition. Despite this, Gramsci resigned himself to the
existence of this arguably cruder form of Marxism.
Marxism was a
philosophy for the proletariat, a subaltern class, and thus could
often only be expressed in the form of popular superstition and common
sense. Nonetheless, it was necessary to effectively challenge the
ideologies of the educated classes, and to do so Marxists must present
their philosophy in a more sophisticated guise, and attempt to
genuinely understand their opponents’ views.
Gramsci's thought emanates from the organized left, but he has also
become an important figure in current academic discussions within
cultural studies and critical theory. Political theorists from the
center and the right have also found insight in his concepts; his idea
of hegemony, for example, has become widely cited. His influence is
particularly strong in contemporary political science (see
Neo-gramscianism). His work also heavily influenced intellectual
discourse on popular culture and scholarly popular culture studies in
which many have found the potential for political or ideological
resistance to dominant government and business interests.[citation
His critics charge him with fostering a notion of power struggle
through ideas. They find the Gramscian approach to philosophical
analysis, reflected in current academic controversies, to be in
conflict with open-ended, liberal inquiry grounded in apolitical
readings of the classics of Western culture. Gramscians would counter
that thoughts of "liberal inquiry" and "apolitical reading" are
utterly naive; for the Gramscians, these are intellectual devices used
to maintain the hegemony of the capitalist class. To credit or blame
Gramsci for the travails of current academic politics is an odd turn
of history, since Gramsci himself was never an academic, and was in
fact deeply intellectually engaged with Italian culture, history, and
current liberal thought.
As a socialist, Gramsci's legacy has been disputed.:6–7
Togliatti, who led the Party (renamed as Italian Communist Party, PCI)
after World War II and whose gradualist approach was a forerunner to
Eurocommunism, claimed that the PCI's practices during this period
were congruent with Gramscian thought. Others, however, have argued
that Gramsci was a Left Communist. It is speculated that he would
likely have been expelled from his Party if his true views had been
known, particularly his growing hostility to Stalin.
In popular culture
Occupations – Gramsci is a central character in Trevor Griffiths's
1970 play Occupations about workers taking over car factories in Turin
Gramsci – Everything That Concerns People –
John Sessions plays
Gramsci in the 1984
Channel 4 film. Brian Cox narrates.
Gramsci Monument – a project by
Thomas Hirschhorn in honour of
Gramsci; built in a courtyard of the Forest Houses housing projects in
the Bronx, New York by 15 residents in 2013. It included displays and
artefacts from Gramsci's life in addition to lectures on Gramsci.
Scritti Politti – British synthpop/new wave band are named in honour
of Gramsci. The name is a rough Italian translation of political
Piazza Gramsci – a central square, named after Gramsci in
Via Antonio Gramsci, the main road to the Central Train Station in
Cefalù, on the northern coast of Sicily,
Italy is also named after
Additional streets named after Gramsci are found in the cities of
Naples, Lascari, Pollina, Collesano, and Palermo Sicily, Italy.
A major road going through the lower portion of Genoa, along the
coast, is named after Gramsci.
In an episode of the comedy Spaced, Gramsci was the name of a dog that
was trained to attack the rich. The dog was owned by Minty, a friend
of Tim Bisley (Simon Pegg). One day Minty won the lottery and was
attacked by Gramsci.
Pre-Prison Writings (Cambridge University Press)
Prison Notebooks (three volumes) (Columbia University Press)
Selections from the
Prison Notebooks (International Publishers)
Newspapers and the Workers (1916)
Men or machines? (1916)
One Year of History (1918)
Antonio Gramsci Battalion
^ Haralambos, Michael and Holborn, Martin (2013).
Sociology Themes and
Perspectives. 8th Ed. pp. 597–598. Collins.
^ Atto di nascita di Gramsci Antonio Francesco Archived 9 November
2016 at the Wayback Machine.
^ "IGSN 9 – Nuove notizie sulla famiglia paterna di Gramsci".
www.internationalgramscisociety.org. Retrieved 15 March 2017.
^ Pipa, Arshi (1989). The politics of language in socialist Albania.
Boulder: East European Monographs. p. 234.
ISBN 978-0-88033-168-5. "I myself have no race. My father
is of recent Albanian origin. The family escaped from Epirus after or
during the 1821 wars <of Greek Independence> and Italianized
itself rapidly." Lettere dal carcere (Letters from Prison), ed. S.
Capriogloi & E Fubini (Einaudi, Turin, 1965), pp. 507–08."
^ Dante L. Germino (1990). Antonio Gramsci: Architect of a New
Politics. Louisiana Press University. p. 157.
^ Gramsci 1971, p. xviii.
^ Gramsci 1971, pp. xviii–xix.
^ Crehan, Kate (2002). Gramsci, Culture, and Anthropology. University
of California Press. p. 14. ISBN 0520236025.
^ Markowicz, Daniel M. (2011) "Gramsci, Antonio," in The Encyclopedia
of Literary and Cultural Theory, ed. Michael Ryan,
^ Gramsci 1971, p. xix.
^ Antonio Gramsci, Dizionario di Storia Treccani. Treccani.it (8
November 1926). Retrieved on 2017-04-24.
Antonio Gramsci e la questione sarda, a cura di Guido Melis,
Cagliari, Della Torre, 1975
^ Hall, Stuart (June 1986). "Gramsci's relevance for the study of race
Journal of Communication Inquiry (Sage)
^ (in Italian) Gramsci e l'isola laboratorio, La Nuova Sardegna.
Ricerca.gelocal.it (3 May 2004). Retrieved on 2017-04-24.
^ Gramsci 1971, p. xx.
^ Gramsci 1971, p. xxv.
^ The Legacy of Antonio Gramsci, Revolutionary Reflections, Gian Luigi
Deiana (Casa Gramsci Institute)
^ Gramsci 1971, p. xxi.
^ Gramsci 1971, p. xxx.
^ Gramsci 1971, pp. xxx–xxxi.
^ Picture of Gramsci's wife and their two sons at the Italian-language
Antonio Gramsci Website.
^ Crehan, Kate (2002). Gramsci, Culture, and Anthropology. University
of California Press. p. 17. ISBN 0520236025.
^ Giuseppe Vacca.Vita e Pensieri Di Antonio Gramsci.Einaudi.Torino
^ Gramsci 1971, p.lxxxix.
^ Gramsci 1971, p. xcii.
^ a b Jones, S. Gramsci (Routledge Critical Thinkers), p.25.
Routledge: 2006. ISBN 0-415-31947-1
^ Gramsci 1971, p. xciii.
^ a b Gramsci 1971, p. xciv.
^ a b c Anderson, Perry (November–December 1976). "The Antinomies of
Antonio Gramsci". New Left Review. New Left Review. I (100):
^ Gramsci 1982, p. 9.
^ Crehan, Kate (2016). Gramsci's Common Sense: Inequality and Its
Narratives. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-6219-7.
^ Gramsci 1982, p. 160.
^ Gramsci 1982, pp. 404–407.
^ Leszek Kolakowski – Main Currents of
Marxism – Its Rise, Growth
and, Dissolution – Volume III – The Breakdown. Oxford University
Press. 1978. pp. 228–231. ISBN 0-19-824570-X.
^ Friedrich Engels: Anti-Duehring
^ Friedrich Engels: Dialectics of Nature
Materialism and Empirio-Criticism.
^ Gramsci 1982, pp. 440–448.
^ a b Gramsci 1982, p. 445.
^ Gramsci 1982, pp. 444–445.
^ Gramsci 1982, p. 420.
^ Gramsci 1982, pp. 419–425.
^ "Gramsci – Everything That Concerns People (1987)".
^ Andrew Russeth (2 July 2013). "Thomas Hirschhorn's 'Gramsci
Monument' Opens at Forest Houses in the Bronx".
Gramsci, Antonio (1971). "Introduction". In Hoare, Quentin; Smith,
Geoffrey Nowell. Selections from the Prison Notebooks. New York:
International Publishers. pp. xvii–xcvi.
Gramsci, Antonio (1982). Selections from the Prison Books. Lawrence
and Wishart. ISBN 0-85315-280-2.
Anderson, Perry (November–December 1976). "The Antinomies of Antonio
Gramsci". New Left Review. New Left Review. I (100): 5–78.
Boggs, Carl (1984). The Two Revolutions: Gramsci and the Dilemmas of
Western Marxism. London: South End Press.
Bottomore, Tom (1992). The Dictionary of Marxist Thought. Blackwell
Publishers. ISBN 0-631-18082-6.
Davidson, Alastair (2018). Antonio Gramsci: Towards an Intellectual
Biography . Chicago: Haymarket Books.
Femia, Joseph (1981) Gramsci's Political Thought – Hegemony,
Consciousness and the Revolutionary Process. Oxford.
Gramsci, Antonio (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks.
International Publishers. ISBN 0-7178-0397-X.
Greaves, Nigel (2009) Gramsci's Marxism: Reclaiming a Philosophy of
History and Politics. Leicester. ISBN 978-1-84876-127-8.
Harman Chris Gramsci, the
Prison Notebooks and Philosophy
Jay, Martin (1986).
Marxism and Totality: The Adventures of a Concept
from Lukacs to Habermas. University of California Press.
Joll, James (1977). Antonio Gramsci. New York: Viking Press.
Kolakowski, Leszek (1981). Main Currents of Marxism, Vol. III: The
Breakdown. New York: Oxford University Press.
Hall, Stuart (June 1986). "Gramsci's relevance for the study of race
and ethnicity". Journal of Communication Inquiry. Sage. 10 (2):
Maitan, Livio (1978). Il marxismo rivoluzionario di Antonio Gramsci.
Milano: Nuove edizioni internazionali.
McNally, Mark (ed.) (2015) Antonio Gramsci. Basingstoke: Palgrave
MacMillan. ISBN 978-1-137-33418-3.
Pastore, Gerardo (2011), Antonio Gramsci. Questione sociale e
questione sociologica. Livorno: Belforte. ISBN 978-88-7467-059-8.
Santucci, Antonio A. (2010). Antonio Gramsci. Monthly Review Press.
Thomas, Peter (2009) The Gramscian Moment, Philosophy,
Marxism. Leiden/Boston. ISBN 978-90-04-16771-1.
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Antonio Gramsci.
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Antonio Gramsci
Gramsci's writings at MIA
The International Gramsci Society
"Notes on Language". TELOS
Fondazione Instituto Gramsci
Special issue of International Socialism journal with a collection on
Roberto Robaina: Gramsci and revolution: a necessary clarification
Dan Jakopovich: Revolution and the Party in Gramsci's Thought: A
Gramsci's contribution to the field of adult and popular education
The life and work of Antonio Gramsci
Antonio Gramsci, 1891–1937 (in Italian)
The Whole Picture – Gramscian Epistemology through the Praxis Prism
Gramsci Links Archive
Bob Jessop's lectures on Gramsci
Antonio Gramsci and the Battle Against Fascism.
Chris Hedges for
Truthdig. June 4, 2017
Antonio Gramsci at Find a Grave
Italian Communist Party
Amadeo Bordiga (1922–1923)
Executive Committee (1923–1924)
Antonio Gramsci (1924–1927)
Camilla Ravera (1927–1930)
Palmiro Togliatti (1930–1934)
Ruggero Grieco (1934–1938)
Palmiro Togliatti (1938–1964)
Luigi Longo (1964–1972)
Enrico Berlinguer (1972–1984)
Alessandro Natta (1984–1988)
Achille Occhetto (1988–1991)
Italian Socialist Party
Communist Party of Italy
Communist Party of Italy (banned in 1926)
XII International Brigade
XII International Brigade (Garibaldi Battalion)
Italian resistance movement
National Liberation Committee
May 1947 crises
Italian Communist Youth Federation
International Communist Party
Communist Party of Italy
Communist Party of Italy (Marxist–Leninist) / Italian
Union of Italian Communists (Marxist–Leninist)
Democratic Party of the Left
Democratic Party of the Left /
Democrats of the Left
Democrats of the Left / Democratic
Communist Refoundation Party
Communist Refoundation Party / Party of Italian Communists
Popular Democratic Front (1947–1948)
Historic Compromise (1976–1980)
Theodor W. Adorno
Simone de Beauvoir
Hubert L. Dreyfus
Johann Gottlieb Fichte
Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel
José Ortega y Gasset
Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling
Being in itself
Recipients of the Viareggio Prize
Anselmo Bucci – Lorenzo Viani (1930)
Corrado Tumiati (1931)
Antonino Foschini (1932)
Achille Campanile (1933)
Raffaele Calzini (1934)
Mario Massa – Stefano Pirandello (1935)
Riccardo Bacchelli (1936)
Guelfo Civinini (1937)
Vittorio Giovanni Rossi
Vittorio Giovanni Rossi – Enrico Pea (1938)
Arnaldo Frateili – Orio Vergani –
Maria Bellonci (1939)
Silvio Micheli –
Umberto Saba (1946) •
Antonio Gramsci (1947) •
Aldo Palazzeschi –
Elsa Morante –
Sibilla Aleramo (1948) •
Arturo Carlo Jemolo – Renata Viganò (1949)
Francesco Jovine –
Carlo Bernari (1950) • Domenico Rea (1951) •
Tommaso Fiore (1952) •
Carlo Emilio Gadda
Carlo Emilio Gadda (1953) • Rocco
Scotellaro (1954) •
Vasco Pratolini (1955) •
Carlo Levi – Gianna
Manzini (1956) •
Italo Calvino –
Pier Paolo Pasolini
Pier Paolo Pasolini (1957) •
Ernesto de Martino
Ernesto de Martino (1958) •
Marino Moretti (1959)
Giovanni Battista Angioletti (1960) •
Alberto Moravia (1961) •
Giorgio Bassani (1962) • Antonio Delfini –
Sergio Solmi (1963) •
Giuseppe Berto (1964) •
Goffredo Parise (1965) • Ottiero Ottieri
Alfonso Gatto (1966) •
Raffaello Brignetti (1967) • Libero
Bigiaretti (1968) •
Fulvio Tomizza (1969)
Nello Saito (1970) •
Ugo Attardi (1971) •
Romano Bilenchi (1972)
Achille Campanile (1973) • Clotilde Marghieri (1974) • Paolo
Volponi (1975) •
Mario Tobino –
Dario Bellezza – Sergio Solmi
(1976) • Davide Lajolo (1977) • Antonio Altomonte – Mario Luzi
Giorgio Manganelli (1979)
Stefano Terra (1980) •
Enzo Siciliano (1981) •
Primo Levi (1982)
Giuliana Morandini (1983) •
Gina Lagorio – Bruno Gentili
(1984) • Manlio Cancogni (1985) • Marisa Volpi (1986) • Mario
Spinella (1987) •
Rosetta Loy (1988) •
Salvatore Mannuzzu (1989)
Luisa Adorno – Cesare Viviani – Maurizio Calvesi (1990) •
Antonio Debenedetti (1991) •
Luigi Malerba (1992) • Alessandro
Baricco (1993) •
Antonio Tabucchi (1994) • Maurizio Maggiani –
Elio Pagliarani (1995) •
Ermanno Rea –
Alda Merini (1996) •
Claudio Piersanti – Franca Grisoni – Corrado Stajano (1997) •
Giorgio Pressburger – Michele Sovente –
Carlo Ginzburg (1998) •
Ernesto Franco (1999)
Giorgio van Straten –
Sandro Veronesi (2000) • Niccolò Ammaniti
– Michele Ranchetti –
Giorgio Pestelli (2001) •
Fleur Jaeggy –
Jolanda Insana – Alfonso Berardinelli (2002) • Giuseppe Montesano
Edoardo Albinati – Andrea Tagliapietra – Livia Livi
Raffaele La Capria
Raffaele La Capria –
Alberto Arbasino – Milo de Angelis
Gianni Celati – Giovanni Agosti – Giuseppe Conte –
Roberto Saviano (2006) • Filippo Tuena – Paolo Mauri – Silvia
Bre – Simona Baldanzi – Paolo Colagrande – Paolo Fallai (2007)
Francesca Sanvitale – Miguel Gotor – Eugenio De Signoribus
Edith Bruck – Adriano Prosperi – Ennio Cavalli (2009)
Nicola Lagioia – Michele Emmer –
Pierluigi Cappello (2010)
Alessandro Mari – Mario Lavagetto – Gian Mario Villalta (2011)
Nicola Gardini – Franco Lo Piparo –
Antonella Anedda (2012)
ISNI: 0000 0001 2279 0742
BNF: cb119056581 (data)