Anschluss (German: [ˈʔanʃlʊs] ( listen) 'joining')
refers to the annexation of
Nazi Germany on 12 March
1938. The word's German spelling, until the German orthography
reform of 1996, was Anschluß and it was also known as the
Anschluss Österreichs ( pronunciation (help·info), German:
Annexation of Austria).
Events leading to World War II
Treaty of Versailles
Treaty of Trianon
Treaty of Rapallo
March on Rome
Occupation of the Ruhr
Pacification of Libya
Chinese Civil War
Japanese invasion of Manchuria
Nazis rise to power in Germany
Second Italo-Ethiopian War
Remilitarization of the Rhineland
Spanish Civil War
Second Sino-Japanese War
German occupation of Czechoslovakia
German ultimatum to Lithuania
British guarantee to Poland
Invasion of Albania
Pact of Steel
Invasion of Poland
Battle of Britain
Invasion of the Soviet Union
Attack on Pearl Harbor
Prior to the Anschluss, there had been strong support from people of
all backgrounds – not just Nazis – in both
Austria and Germany for
a union of the two countries. The desire for a union formed an
integral part of the Nazi "Heim ins Reich" movement. Earlier, Nazi
Germany had provided support for the Austrian National Socialist Party
(Austrian Nazi Party) in its bid to seize power from Austria's
Fatherland Front government.
The idea of an
Anschluss (a united
Austria and Germany that would form
a "Greater Germany")[a] began after the unification of Germany
Austria and the German
Austrians from the Prussian-dominated
German Empire in 1871. Following the end of
World War I
World War I with the fall
of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, in 1918, the newly formed Republic of
Austria attempted to form a union with Germany, but the Treaty
of Saint Germain (10 September 1919) and the
Treaty of Versailles
Treaty of Versailles (28
June 1919) forbade both the union and the continued use of the name
"German-Austria" (Deutschösterreich); and stripped
Austria of some of
its territories, such as the Sudetenland.
1 Historical background
Austria during the
First Austrian Republic
First Austrian Republic 1918–1934
Nazi Germany and Austria
Austrian Civil War
Austrian Civil War to Anschluss
2 End of an independent Austria
2.1 Schuschnigg announces a referendum
2.2 German troops march into Austria
3 Actions against the Jews
5 Reactions and consequences of the Anschluss
6.1 Anschluss: annexation or union?
6.2 Changes in Central Europe
6.3 Second Republic
6.3.1 Moscow Declaration
6.3.2 Austrian identity and the "victim theory"
6.3.3 Political events
6.4 Historical Commission and outstanding legal issues
7 Austrian political and military leaders in Nazi Germany
8 See also
10 External links
A map showing the German Confederation
Holy Roman Empire
Holy Roman Empire of the German nation, German
Confederation, German question, German Empire, and German nationalism
The idea of grouping all Germans into a nation-state country had been
the subject of debate in the 19th century from the ending of the Holy
Roman Empire until the ending of the German Confederation.
Großdeutsche Lösung (greater Germany solution), whereby the
German states would be united under the leadership of the German
Austrians (Habsburgs). This solution would include all the German
states (including the non-German regions of Austria), but Prussia
would have to take second place. This controversy, called dualism,
dominated Prusso-Austrian diplomacy and the politics of the German
states for the next 20 years.
In 1866 the feud finally came to an end during the German war in which
the Prussians successfully defeated the
Austrians and thereby excluded
Austria and the German
Austrians from Germany. The Prussian statesman
Otto von Bismarck
Otto von Bismarck formed the North
German Confederation which included
the remaining German states and further expanded the power of Prussia.
Bismarck used the
Franco-Prussian war as a way to convince other
German states, including the Kingdom of Bavaria, to side with Prussia
against the Second French Empire. Due to Prussia's quick victory, the
debate was settled and in 1871 the "Kleindeutsch"
German Empire based
on the leadership of Bismarck and the
Kingdom of Prussia
Kingdom of Prussia was formed
which excluded Austria.
The Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, the Ausgleich, provided for a
dual sovereignty, the
Austrian Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary,
under Franz Joseph I. The Austrian-Hungarian rule of this diverse
empire included various different ethnic groups including Hungarians,
Slavic ethnic groups such as Croats, Czechs, Poles, Rusyns, Serbs,
Slovaks, Slovenes, and Ukrainians, as well as Italians and Romanians
ruled by a German minority. The empire caused tensions between the
various ethnic groups. Many Austrian pan-Germans showed loyalty to
Bismarck and only to Germany, wore symbols that were temporarily
banned in Austrian schools and advocated the dissolution of the empire
to allow an annexation of
Austria to Germany. Although many
Austrians agreed with pan-Germanism ideas, a lot of them still showed
allegiance to the
Habsburg Monarchy and wished for
Austria to remain
an independent country. After the Nazis gained power in Germany in
1933, they used propaganda to try to coerce
Austrians into advocating
Anschluss to the German Reich by using slogans such as Ein
Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer ("One People, One Empire, One
The dissolution of
Austria–Hungary in 1918
Austria during the
First Austrian Republic
First Austrian Republic 1918–1934
By the end of World War I,
Austria had been excluded from internal
German affairs for more than fifty years since the Peace of Prague
that concluded the
Austro-Prussian War of 1866.
Elite and popular opinion in
Austria after 1918 largely favored some
sort of union with Germany, but it was explicitly forbidden by the
peace treaties. The Austro-Hungarian Empire broke up in 1918, and
on 12 November that year
German Austria was declared a republic. The
provisional national assembly drafted a provisional constitution that
stated that "
German Austria is a democratic republic" (Article 1) and
German Austria is a component of the German Republic" (Article 2).
Later plebiscites in the German border provinces of Tyrol and Salzburg
yielded majorities of 98% and 99% in favor of a unification with the
In the aftermath of a prohibition of an Anschluss, the Germans in both
Austria and Germany pointed out to a contradiction in the national
self-determination principle because it failed to grant it to the
ethnic Germans (such as German
Austrians and Sudeten Germans) outside
of the German Reich.
Treaty of Versailles
Treaty of Versailles and the
Treaty of Saint-Germain
Treaty of Saint-Germain (both signed
in 1919) explicitly prohibited the political inclusion of
the German state. This measure was criticized by Hugo Preuss, the
drafter of the German Weimar Constitution, who saw the prohibition as
a contradiction of the
Wilsonian principle of self-determination of
peoples, intended to help bring peace to Europe. Following the
destruction of World War I, however, France and Britain feared the
power of a larger Germany and had begun to disempower the current one.
Austrian particularism[clarification needed], especially among the
nobility, also played a role in the decisions;
Austria was Roman
Catholic, while Germany was dominated by Protestants, especially in
government (the Prussian nobility, for example, was Lutheran). The
constitutions of the
Weimar Republic and the First Austrian Republic
included the political goal of unification, which was widely supported
by democratic parties. In the early 1930s, popular support in Austria
for union with Germany remained overwhelming, and the Austrian
government looked to a possible customs union with German Republic in
German military map of Second World War, with no border between
Austria (top right; also showing Alsace as part of Germany
as it was directly incorporated into the Reich)
Nazi Germany and Austria
When the Nazis, led by Adolf Hitler, rose to power in the Weimar
Republic, the Austrian government withdrew from economic ties. Austria
shared the economic turbulence of the Great Depression, with a high
unemployment rate, and unstable commerce and industry. During the
1920s it was a target for German investment capital. By 1937 rapid
German rearmament increased Berlin's interest in annexing Austria,
rich in raw materials and labour. It supplied Germany with magnesium
and the products of the iron, textile and machine industries. It had
gold and foreign currency reserves, many unemployed skilled workers,
hundreds of idle factories, and large potential hydroelectric
Hitler, an Austrian German by birth,[b] picked up his German
nationalist ideas at a young age. Whilst infiltrating the German
Workers' Party (DAP), Hitler became involved in a heated political
argument with a visitor, a Professor Baumann, who proposed that
Bavaria should break away from
Prussia and found a new South German
nation with Austria. In vehemently attacking the man's arguments he
made an impression on the other party members with his oratory skills
and, according to Hitler, the "professor" left the hall acknowledging
unequivocal defeat. Impressed with Hitler, Drexler invited him to
join the DAP. Hitler accepted on September 12, 1919, becoming the
party's 55th member. After becoming leader of the DAP, Hitler
addressed a crowd on February 24, 1920, and in an effort to appeal to
wider parts of the German population, the DAP was renamed the National
German Workers' Party
German Workers' Party (NSDAP).
The Nazis aimed to re-unite all Germans either born or living outside
of the Reich to create an "all-German Reich". Hitler had written in
his 1925 autobiography (Mein Kampf) that he would create a union
between his birth country
Austria and Germany by any means possible
Austria must be restored to the great German Motherland."
"People of the same blood should be in the same Reich.").
The First Austrian Republic, dominated from the late 1920s by the
anti-Anschluss Catholic nationalist Christian Social Party (CS),
gradually disintegrated from 1933 (dissolution of parliament and ban
on the Austrian National Socialists) to 1934 (
Austrian Civil War
Austrian Civil War in
February and ban on all remaining parties except the CS). The
government evolved into a corporatist, one-party government that
combined the CS and the paramilitary Heimwehr. It controlled labor
relations and the press. (See
Austrofascism and Patriotic Front).
Power was centralized in the office of the chancellor, who was
empowered to rule by decree. The dominance of the Christian Social
Party (whose economic policies were based on the papal encyclical
Rerum novarum) was an Austrian phenomenon. Austria's national identity
had strong Catholic elements that were incorporated into the movement,
by way of clerical authoritarian tendencies not found in Nazism.
Engelbert Dollfuss and his successor, Kurt Schuschnigg, turned to
Italy for inspiration and support. The statist corporatism often
referred to as
Austrofascism bore more resemblance to Italian Fascism
than to German National Socialism, and can be described as a form of
Benito Mussolini supported the independence of Austria, largely due to
his concern that Hitler would eventually press for the return of
Italian territories once ruled by Austria. However, Mussolini needed
German support in Ethiopia (see Second Italo-Abyssinian War). After
receiving a personal assurance from Hitler that Germany would not seek
territorial concessions from Italy, Mussolini began a client
relationship with Berlin that began with the 1937 Berlin–Rome Axis.
Austrian Civil War
Austrian Civil War to Anschluss
Main articles: Austrian Civil War, July Putsch, and Austrofascism
Soldiers of the Austrian Federal Army in Vienna, 12 February 1934.
Nazi Party failed to win any seats in the November 1930
general election, but its popularity grew in
Austrian-born Hitler came to power in Germany. The idea of the country
joining Germany also grew in popularity, and
Anschluss might have
occurred by democratic process had Austrian Nazis not begun a
John Gunther wrote in 1936, "In 1932
probably eighty percent pro-Anschluss".
When Germany permitted residents of
Austria to vote[clarification
needed] on March 5, 1933, three special trains, boats and trucks
brought such masses to Passau that the SS staged a ceremonial
welcome. Gunther wrote that by the end of 1933 Austrian public
opinion about German annexation was at least 60% against. On 25
July 1934, Dollfuss was assassinated by Austrian Nazis in a failed
coup. Afterwards, leading Austrian Nazis fled to Germany but they
continued to push for unification from there. The remaining Austrian
Nazis continued terrorist attacks against Austrian governmental
institutions, causing a death toll of more than 800 between 1934 and
Dollfuss' successor was Kurt Schuschnigg, who followed a political
course similar to his predecessor. In 1935 Schuschnigg used the police
to suppress Nazi supporters. Police actions under Schuschnigg included
gathering Nazis (and Social Democrats) and holding them in internment
Austria between 1934–1938 focused on the
Austria and opposed the absorption of
Austria into Nazi
Germany (according to the philosophy
Austrians were "better Germans").
Austria the "better German state" but struggled to
In an attempt to put Schuschnigg's mind at rest, Hitler delivered a
speech at the Reichstag and said: "Germany neither intends nor wishes
to interfere in the internal affairs of Austria, to annex
to conclude an Anschluss."
By 1936 the damage to
Austria from the German boycott was too great.
That summer Schuschnigg told Mussolini that his country had to come to
an agreement with Germany. On 11 July 1936 he signed an agreement with
German ambassador Franz von Papen, in which Schuschnigg agreed to the
release of Nazis imprisoned in
Austria and Germany promised to respect
Austrian sovereignty. Under the terms of the Austro-German treaty,
Austria declared itself a "German state" that would always follow
Germany's lead in foreign policy, and members of the "National
Opposition" were allowed to enter the cabinet, in exchange for which
the Austrian Nazis promised to cease their terrorist attacks against
the government. This did not satisfy Hitler and the pro-German
Austrian Nazis grew in strength.
In September 1936, Hitler launched the Four-Year Plan that called for
a dramatic increase in military spending and to make Germany as
autarkic as possible with the aim of having the Reich ready to fight a
world war by 1940. The Four Year Plan required huge investments in
the Reichswerke steel works, a programme for developing synthetic oil
that soon went wildly over budget, and programmes for producing more
chemicals and aluminium; the plan called for a policy of substituting
imports and rationalizing industry to achieve its goals that failed
completely.> As the Four Year Plan fell further and further
behind its targets, Hermann Göring, the chief of the Four Year Plan
office, began to press for an
Anschluss as a way of securing Austria's
iron and other raw materials as a solution to the problems with the
Four Year Plan. The British historian Sir
Ian Kershaw wrote:
...above all, it was Hermann Göring, at this time close to the
pinnacle of his power, who far more than Hitler, throughout 1937 made
the running and pushed the hardest for an early and radical solution
to the 'Austrian Question'. Göring was not simply operating as
Hitler's agent in matters relating to the 'Austrian Question'. His
approach differed in emphasis in significant respects...But Göring's
broad notions of foreign policy, which he pushed to a great extent on
his own initiative in the mid-1930s drew more on traditional
pan-German concepts of nationalist power-politics to attain hegemony
in Europe than on the racial dogmatism central to Hitler's
Göring was far more interested in the return of the former German
colonies in Africa than was Hitler, believed up to 1939 in the
possibility of an Anglo-German alliance (an idea that Hitler had
abandoned by late 1937), and wanted all Eastern Europe in the German
economic sphere of influence. Göring did not share Hitler's
interest in Lebensraum ("living space") as for him, merely having
Eastern Europe in the German economic sphere of influence was
sufficient. In this context, having
Austria annexed to Germany was
the key towards bringing Eastern Europe into Göring's desired
Grosssraumwirtschaft' ("greater economic space").
Faced with problems in the Four Year Plan, Göring had become the
loudest voice in Germany, calling for an Anschluss, even at the risk
of losing an alliance with Italy. In April 1937, in a secret
speech before a group of German industrialists, Göring stated that
the only solution to the problems with meeting the steel production
targets laid out by the Four Year Plan was to annex Austria, which
Göring noted was rich in iron. Göring did not give a date for
the Anschluss, but given that Four Year Plan's targets all had to be
met by September 1940, and the current problems with meeting the steel
production targets, suggested that he wanted an
Anschluss in the very
Supporters of Schuschnigg campaigning for the independence of Austria
in March 1938, shortly before the Anschluss.
End of an independent Austria
Hitler told Goebbels in the late summer of 1937 that eventually
Austria would have to be taken "by force". On 5 November 1937,
Hitler called a meeting with the Foreign Minister Konstantin von
Neurath, the War Minister Field Marshal Werner von Blomberg, the Army
commander General Werner von Fritsch, the Navy commander Admiral Erich
Raeder and the Luftwaffe commander Herman Göring recorded in the
Hossbach Memorandum. At the conference, Hitler stated that economic
problems were causing Germany to fall behind in the arms race with
Britain and France, and that the only solution was to launch in the
near-future a series of wars to seize
Austria and Czechoslovakia,
whose economies would be plundered to give Germany the lead in the
arms race. In early 1938, Hitler was seriously considering
replacing Papen as ambassador to
Austria with either Colonel Hermann
Kriebel, the German consul in Shanghai or Albert Forster, the
Gauleiter of Danzig. Significantly, neither Kriebel nor Forster
were professional diplomats with Kriebel being one of the leaders of
1923 Munich Beerhall putsch who had been appointed consul in Shanghai
to facilitate his work as an arms dealer in China while Forster was a
Gauleiter who had proven he could get along with the Poles in his
position in the Free City of Danzig; both men were Nazis who had shown
some diplomatic skill. On 25 January 1938, the Austrian police
Vienna headquarters of the Austrian Nazi Party, arresting
Gauleiter Leopold Tavs, the deputy to Captain Josef Leopold,
discovered a cache of arms and plans for a putsch.
Following increasing violence and demands from Hitler that Austria
agree to a union, Schuschnigg met Hitler at
Berchtesgaden on February
12, 1938, in an attempt to avoid the takeover of Austria. Hitler
presented Schuschnigg with a set of demands that included appointing
Nazi sympathizers to positions of power in the government. The key
appointment was that of
Arthur Seyss-Inquart as Minister of Public
Security, with full, unlimited control of the police. In return Hitler
would publicly reaffirm the treaty of 11 July 1936 and reaffirm his
support for Austria's national sovereignty. Browbeaten and threatened
by Hitler, Schuschnigg agreed to these demands and put them into
Seyss-Inquart was a long-time supporter of the Nazis who sought the
union of all Germans in one state. Leopold argues he was a moderate
who favoured an evolutionary approach to union. He opposed the violent
tactics of the Austrian Nazis, cooperated with Catholic groups, and
wanted to preserve a measure of Austrian identity within Nazi
On 20 February, Hitler made a speech before the Reichstag which was
broadcast live and which for the first time was relayed also by the
Austrian radio network. A key phrase in the speech which was aimed at
the Germans living in
Czechoslovakia was: "… The German
Reich is no longer willing to tolerate the suppression of ten million
Germans across its borders."
The Dollfuss/Schuschnigg regime of
Austrofascism fought to keep
Austria as an independent country.
Schuschnigg announces a referendum
On 9 March 1938, In the face of rioting by the small, but virulent,
Nazi Party and ever-expanding German demands on Austria,
Kurt Schuschnigg called a referendum (plebiscite) on the
issue, to be held on 13 March. Infuriated, on 11 March, Adolf Hitler
threatened invasion of Austria, and demanded
Schuschnigg's resignation and the appointment of the Nazi Arthur
Seyss-Inquart as his replacement. Hitler's plan was for Seyss-Inquart
to call immediately for German troops to rush to Austria's aid,
restoring order and giving the invasion an air of legitimacy. In the
face of this threat, Schuschnigg informed Seyss-Inquart that the
plebiscite would be cancelled.
On 9 March 1938, in an effort to preserve Austria's independence,
Schuschnigg scheduled a plebiscite on the issue of unification for 13
March. To secure a large majority in the referendum, Schuschnigg
dismantled the one-party state. He agreed to legalize the Social
Democrats and their trade unions in return for their support in the
referendum. He also set the minimum voting age at 24 to exclude
younger voters because the Nazi movement was most popular among the
young. In contrast, Hitler had lowered the voting age for German
elections held under Nazi rule, largely to compensate for the removal
of Jews and other ethnic minorities from the German electorate
following enactment of the
Nuremberg Laws in 1935.
The plan went awry when it became apparent that Hitler would not stand
Austria declared its independence by public vote. Hitler
declared that the referendum would be subject to major fraud and that
Germany would never accept it. In addition, the German ministry of
propaganda issued press reports that riots had broken out in Austria
and that large parts of the Austrian population were calling for
German troops to restore order. Schuschnigg immediately responded that
reports of riots were false.
Hitler sent an ultimatum to Schuschnigg on 11 March, demanding that he
hand over all power to the Austrian Nazis or face an invasion. The
ultimatum was set to expire at noon, but was extended by two hours.
Without waiting for an answer, Hitler had already signed the order to
send troops into
Austria at one o'clock. Nevertheless, the German
Führer underestimated his opposition.
As Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Edgar Ansel Mowrer, reporting
from Paris for CBS, observed: "There is no one in all France who does
not believe that Hitler invaded
Austria not to hold a genuine
plebiscite, but to prevent the plebiscite planned by Schusschnigg from
demonstrating to the entire world just how little hold National
Socialism really had on that tiny country." Clearly it was Hitler,
and not Schuschnigg, who was terrified by the potential results of the
scheduled plebiscite, and that was the best indication of where
Austrians' loyalty lay.
Schuschnigg desperately sought support for Austrian independence in
the hours following the ultimatum. Realizing that neither France nor
Britain was willing to offer assistance, Schuschnigg resigned on the
evening of 11 March, but President
Wilhelm Miklas refused to appoint
Seyss-Inquart as Chancellor. At 8:45 pm, Hitler, tired of waiting,
ordered the invasion to commence at dawn on 12 March regardless.
Around 10 pm, a forged telegram was sent in Seyss-Inquart's name
asking for German troops, since he was not yet
Chancellor and was
unable to do so himself. Seyss-Inquart was not installed as Chancellor
until after midnight, when Miklas resigned himself to the
inevitable. In the radio broadcast in which he announced his
resignation, he argued that he accepted the changes and allowed the
Nazis to take over the government 'to avoid the shedding of fraternal
blood [Bruderblut]'. Seyss-Inquart was appointed chancellor after
midnight on 12 March.
It is said that after listening to Bruckner's Seventh Symphony, Hitler
cried: "How can anyone say that
Austria is not German! Is there
anything more German than our old pure Austrianness?"
Cheering crowds greet the Nazis in Vienna.
Hitler crosses the border into
Austria in March 1938.
Hitler announces the
Anschluss on the Heldenplatz, Vienna, 15 March
German troops march into Austria
Austria in the time of National Socialism
On the morning of 12 March, the 8th Army of the German Wehrmacht
crossed the border into Austria. The troops were greeted by cheering
Austrians with Nazi salutes, Nazi flags, and flowers. For the
Wehrmacht, the invasion was the first big test of its machinery.
Although the invading forces were badly organized and coordination
among the units was poor, it mattered little because the Austrian
government had ordered the Austrian Bundesheer not to resist.
That afternoon, Hitler, riding in a car, crossed the border at his
birthplace, Braunau am Inn, with a 4,000 man bodyguard. In the
evening, he arrived at
Linz and was given an enthusiastic welcome. The
enthusiasm displayed toward Hitler and the Germans surprised both
Nazis and non-Nazis, as most people had believed that a majority of
Austrians opposed Anschluss. Many Germans from both Austria
and Germany welcomed the
Anschluss as they saw it as completing the
complex and long overdue German unification of all Germans united into
one-state. Hitler had intended to leave
Austria as a puppet state
with Seyss-Inquart as head of a pro-Nazi government. However, the
overwhelming reception caused him to change course and absorb Austria
into the Reich. On 13 March Seyss-Inquart announced the revocation of
Article 88 of the Treaty of Saint-Germain, which prohibited the
Austria and Germany, and approved the replacement of
Austrian states with Reichsgaue. The seizure of Austria
demonstrated once again Hitler's aggressive territorial ambitions,
and, once again, the failure of the British and the French to take
action against him for violating the Versailles Treaty. Their lack of
will emboldened him toward further aggression.
Hitler's journey through
Austria became a triumphal tour that climaxed
Vienna on 15 March 1938, when around 200,000 cheering German
Austrians gathered around the
Heldenplatz (Square of Heroes) to hear
Hitler say that "The oldest eastern province of the German people
shall be, from this point on, the newest bastion of the German
Reich" followed by his "greatest accomplishment" (completing the
Austria to form a Greater German Reich) by saying "As
leader and chancellor of the German nation and Reich I announce to
German history now the entry of my homeland into the German
Reich." Hitler later commented: "Certain foreign newspapers
have said that we fell on
Austria with brutal methods. I can only say:
even in death they cannot stop lying. I have in the course of my
political struggle won much love from my people, but when I crossed
the former frontier (into Austria) there met me such a stream of love
as I have never experienced. Not as tyrants have we come, but as
Hitler said as a personal note to the Anschluss: "I, myself, as
Führer and Chancellor, will be happy to walk on the soil of the
country that is my home as a free German citizen."
Hitler's popularity reached an unprecedented peak after he fulfilled
Anschluss because he had completed the long-awaited idea of a
Greater Germany which Bismarck had not done in 1871 when he had
unified Germany without
Austria and there was a genuine support from
Germans in both
Austria and Germany for an Anschluss.
Hitler's forces suppressed all opposition. Before the first German
soldier crossed the border,
Heinrich Himmler and a few SS officers
Vienna to arrest prominent representatives of the First
Republic, such as Richard Schmitz, Leopold Figl, Friedrich Hillegeist,
and Franz Olah. During the few weeks between the
Anschluss and the
plebiscite, authorities rounded up Social Democrats, Communists, other
potential political dissenters, and Jews, and imprisoned them or sent
them to concentration camps. Within a few days of 12 March, 70,000
people had been arrested. The disused northwest railway station in
Vienna was converted into a makeshift concentration camp.[citation
needed] The plebiscite was subject to large-scale propaganda and to
the abrogation of the voting rights of around 400,000 people (nearly
10% of the eligible voting population), mainly former members of
left-wing parties and Jews.[not in citation given]
The newly installed Nazis, within two days, transferred power to
Wehrmacht troops entered
Austria to enforce the
Anschluss. The Nazis held a controlled plebiscite (Volksabstimmung) in
the whole Reich within the following month, asking the people to
ratify the fait accompli, and claimed that 99.7561% of the votes cast
Austria were in favor. Austrian citizens of Jewish or Gypsy
origin were not allowed to vote.
Although the Allies were committed to upholding the terms of the
Treaty of Versailles
Treaty of Versailles and those of St. Germain, which specifically
prohibited the union of
Austria and Germany, their reaction was only
verbal and moderate. No military confrontation took place, and even
the strongest voices against the annexation, particularly Fascist
Italy, France, and Britain (the "Stresa Front") remained at peace. The
loudest verbal protest was voiced by the government of Mexico.
Immediately after the Anschluss, Vienna’s Jews were forced to wash
pro-independence slogans (de:Reibpartie) from the city’s pavements.
Actions against the Jews
The campaign against the Jews began immediately after the Anschluss.
They were driven through the streets of Vienna, their homes and shops
were plundered. Jewish men and women were forced to wash away
pro-independence slogans painted on the streets of
Vienna ahead of the
failed 13 March plebiscite. Jewish actresses from the Theater in
der Josefstadt were forced to clean toilets by the SA. The process of
Aryanisation began, and Jews were driven out of public life within
months. These events reached a climax in the
of 9–10 November 1938. All synagogues and prayer houses in Vienna
were destroyed. The
Stadttempel was the sole survivor due to its
location in a residential district which prevented it from being
burned down. Most Jewish shops were plundered and closed. Over 6,000
Jews were arrested overnight, the majority deported to Dachau
concentration camp in the following days. The Nuremberg Laws
Austria from May 1938, later reinforced with innumerable
anti-Semitic decrees. Jews were gradually robbed of their freedoms,
blocked from almost all professions, shut out of schools and
universities, and forced to wear the
Yellow badge from September
The Nazis dissolved Jewish organisations and institutions, hoping to
force Jews to emigrate. Their plans succeeded—by the end of 1941,
130,000 Jews had left Vienna, 30,000 of whom went to the United
States. They left behind all of their property, but were forced to pay
the Reich Flight Tax, a tax on all émigrés from Nazi Germany; some
received financial support from international aid organisations so
that they could pay this tax. The majority of the Jews who had stayed
Vienna eventually became victims of the Holocaust. Of the more than
65,000 Viennese Jews who were deported to concentration camps, little
more than 2,000 survived.
Voting ballot from 10 April 1938. The ballot text reads "Do you agree
with the reunification of
Austria with the German Reich that was
enacted on 13 March 1938, and do you vote for the party of our leader
Adolf Hitler?" The large circle is labelled "Yes", the smaller "No".
Main article: Austrian
Anschluss referendum, 1938
Anschluss was given immediate effect by legislative act on 13
March, subject to ratification by a plebiscite.
Austria became the
province of Ostmark, and Seyss-Inquart was appointed governor. The
plebiscite was held on 10 April and officially recorded a support of
99.7% of the voters.
While historians concur that the votes were accurately counted, the
process was neither free nor secret. Officials were present directly
beside the voting booths and received the voting ballot by hand (in
contrast to a secret vote where the voting ballot is inserted into a
closed box). In some remote areas of Austria, people voted to preserve
the independence of
Austria on 13 March (in Schuschnigg's planned but
cancelled plebiscite) despite the Wehrmacht's presence. For instance,
in the village of Innervillgraten, a majority of 95% voted for
Austria's independence. However, in the plebiscite on 10 April,
73.3% of votes in
Innervillgraten were in favor of the Anschluss,
which was still the lowest number of all Austrian municipalities.
Although there is no doubt that the plebiscite result was manipulated
and rigged, there was unquestionably a lot of genuine support for
Hitler for carrying out the Anschluss.
A largely unhindered vote occurred in the Italian harbour city of
Gaeta, where an extraterritorial vote of Austrian clerics studying at
the German college of
Santa Maria dell'Anima
Santa Maria dell'Anima took place. The vote was
concluded on board the German cruiser Admiral Scheer, anchored in the
harbour. Contrary to the nationwide result, this vote rejected the
Anschluss by over 90%, an event that was later called the "Shame of
Gaeta" (Vergogna di Gaeta, Schande von Gaeta).
Austria remained part of Germany until the end of World War II. A
provisional Austrian government declared the
Anschluss "null und
nichtig" (null and void) on 27 April 1945. Henceforth,
recognized as a separate country, although it remained divided into
occupation zones and controlled by the Allied Commission until 1955,
Austrian State Treaty
Austrian State Treaty restored its sovereignty.
Seyss-Inquart and Hitler with Himmler and Heydrich to the right in
Vienna, March 1938
Reactions and consequences of the Anschluss
Austria in the first days of Nazi Germany's control had many
contradictions: at one and the same time, Hitler's regime began to
tighten its grip in every aspect of society, beginning with mass
arrests as thousands of
Austrians tried to escape; yet other Austrians
cheered and welcomed the German troops entering their territory.
In March 1938 the local Gauleiter of Gmunden, Upper Austria, gave a
speech to the local
Austrians and told them in plain terms that all
Austria were to be thrown into the newly opened
concentration camp at Mauthausen-Gusen. The camp became notorious
for its cruelty and barbarism. During its existence an estimated
200,000 people died, half of whom were killed.
The antigypsyism sentiment was implemented initially most harshly in
Austria when between 1938-1939 the Nazis arrested around 2,000 Gypsy
men whom were sent to Dachau and 1,000 Gypsy women whom were sent to
Ravensbrück. Starting in 1939, Austrian Gypsies had to register
themselves to local authorities. The Nazis began to publish
articles linking the Gypsies with criminality. Until 1942, the
Nazis had made a distinction between "pure Gypsies" and "Gypsy
Mischlinges. However, Nazi racial research claimed that 90% of
Gypsies were of mixed ancestry. Subsequently, the Nazis ordered that
the Gypsies were to be treated on the same level as the Jews.
Many Austrian political figures announced their support of the
Anschluss and their relief that it happened without violence. Cardinal
Theodor Innitzer (a political figure of the CS) declared as early as
12 March: "The Viennese Catholics should thank the Lord for the
bloodless way this great political change has occurred, and they
should pray for a great future for Austria. Needless to say, everyone
should obey the orders of the new institutions." The other Austrian
bishops followed suit some days later. Vatican Radio, however,
broadcast a strong denunciation of the German action, and Cardinal
Pacelli, the Vatican Secretary of State, ordered Innitzer to report to
Rome. Before meeting the Pope, Innitzer met Pacelli, who had been
outraged by Innitzer's statement. He told Innitzer to retract his
statement; he was made to sign a new statement, issued on behalf of
all the Austrian bishops, that stated: "The solemn declaration of the
Austrian bishops... was clearly not intended to be an approval of
something that was not and is not compatible with God's law".[citation
needed] The Vatican newspaper reported that the German bishops'
earlier statement had been issued without approval from Rome.
Gate to the garage yard in the
Mauthausen-Gusen concentration camp
"Stairs of Death" at
Mauthausen-Gusen with prisoners forced to carry a
granite block up 186 steps to the top of the quarry.
Robert Kauer, president of the minority
Lutheran Church in Austria,
greeted Hitler on 13 March as "saviour of the 350,000 German
Austria and liberator from a five-year
hardship". Karl Renner, the most famous Social
Democrat of the First Republic, announced his support for the
Anschluss and appealed to all
Austrians to vote in favour of it on 10
The international response to the
Anschluss was publicly moderate. The
Times commented that 300 years before, Scotland had joined England as
well, and that this event would not really differ much. On 14 March,
the British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, noted in the House of
His Majesty's Government have throughout been in the closest touch
with the situation. The Foreign Secretary saw the German Foreign
Minister on the 10th of March and addressed to him a grave
warning on the Austrian situation and upon what appeared to be the
policy of the German Government in regard to it. ... Late on the
11th of March our Ambassador in Berlin registered a protest in
strong terms with the German Government against such use of coercion,
backed by force, against an independent State in order to create a
situation incompatible with its national independence.
However, the speech concluded:
I imagine that according to the temperament of the individual the
events which are in our minds to-day will be the cause of regret, of
sorrow, perhaps of indignation. They cannot be regarded by His
Majesty's Government with indifference or equanimity. They are bound
to have effects which cannot yet be measured. The immediate result
must be to intensify the sense of uncertainty and insecurity in
Europe. Unfortunately, while the policy of appeasement would lead to a
relaxation of the economic pressure under which many countries are
suffering to-day, what has just occurred must inevitably retard
economic recovery and, indeed, increased care will be required to
ensure that marked deterioration does not set in. This is not a moment
for hasty decisions or for careless words. We must consider the new
situation quickly, but with cool judgement.... As regards our defence
programmes, we have always made it clear that they were flexible and
that they would have to be reviewed from time to time in the light of
any development in the international situation. It would be idle to
pretend that recent events do not constitute a change of the kind that
we had in mind. Accordingly we have decided to make a fresh review,
and in due course we shall announce what further steps we may think it
necessary to take.
Within this speech Chamberlain also said, "The hard fact is that
nothing could have arrested what has actually happened [in Austria]
unless this country and other countries had been prepared to use
Germany, which had a shortage of steel and a weak balance of payments,
gained iron ore mines in the
Erzberg and 748 million RM in the
Austrian National Bank's reserves, more than twice its own cash.
The subdued reaction to the
Anschluss (the U.S. issued a similar
statement) led to Hitler's conclusion that he could use more
aggressive tactics in his "roadmap" to expand Nazi Germany, as he
would later do in annexing the Sudetenland.
On March 18, 1938, the German government communicated to the Secretary
General of the
League of Nations
League of Nations about the inclusion of Austria.
And next day in Geneva, the Mexican Delegate to the International
Office of Labor, Isidro Fabela, voiced an energetic protest, stronger
than that expressed by European countries, denouncing the
Austria by Nazi Germany.
Anschluss: annexation or union?
Anschluss is properly translated as "joinder," "connection,"
"unification," or "political union." In contrast, the German word
Annektierung (military annexation) was not, and is not commonly used
now, to describe the union of
Austria and Germany in 1938. The word
Anschluss had been widespread before 1938 describing an incorporation
Austria into Germany. Calling the incorporation of
Germany an "Anschluss," that is a "unification" or "joinder," was also
part of the propaganda used in 1938 by
Nazi Germany to create the
impression that the union was not coerced. Hitler described the
Austria as a Heimkehr, a return to its original home.
Anschluss has endured since 1938, despite being a euphemism
for what took place.
Some sources, like the Encyclopædia Britannica, describe the
Anschluss as an "annexation" rather than a union.
A map showing the border changes of Germany in the various years 1933
(red), 1939 (pink) and 1943 (orange).
Changes in Central Europe
Anschluss was among the first major steps in Austrian-born
Hitler's desire to create a Greater German Reich that was to include
all ethnic Germans and all the lands and territories that the German
Empire had lost after the First World War. Although
predominantly ethnically German and had been part of the Holy Roman
Empire until it dissolved in 1806 and the German Confederation
until 1866 after the defeat in the Austro-Prussian War, it had never
been a part of the German Empire. The unification of Germany brought
Otto von Bismarck
Otto von Bismarck created that Prussian-dominated entity in
1871, with Austria, Prussia's rival for dominance of the German
states, explicitly excluded.
Prior to annexing
Austria in 1938,
Nazi Germany had remilitarized the
Rhineland, and the Saar region was returned to Germany after 15 years
of occupation through a plebiscite. After the Anschluss, Hitler
targeted Czechoslovakia, provoking an international crisis which led
Munich Agreement in September 1938, giving
Nazi Germany control
of the industrial Sudetenland, which had a predominantly ethnic German
population. In March 1939, Hitler then dismantled
recognising the independence of
Slovakia and making the rest of the
nation a protectorate. That same year,
Memelland was returned from
With the Anschluss, the Republic of
Austria ceased to exist as an
independent state. At the end of World War II, a Provisional Austrian
Karl Renner was set up by conservatives, social
democrats and communists on 27 April 1945 (when
Vienna had already
been occupied by the Red Army). It cancelled the
Anschluss the same
day and was legally recognized by the Allies in the following months.
In 1955 the
Austrian State Treaty
Austrian State Treaty re-established
Austria as a
Moscow Declaration of 1943, signed by the United States, the
Soviet Union and the United Kingdom, included a "Declaration on
Austria", which stated the following:
The governments of the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and the United
States of America are agreed that Austria, the first free country to
fall a victim to Hitlerite aggression, shall be liberated from German
They regard the annexation imposed on
Austria by Germany on 15 March
1938, as null and void. They consider themselves as in no way bound by
any changes effected in
Austria since that date. They declare that
they wish to see re-established a free and independent
thereby to open the way for the Austrian people themselves, as well as
those neighbouring States which will be faced with similar problems,
to find that political and economic security which is the only basis
for lasting peace.
Austria is reminded, however, that she has a responsibility, which she
cannot evade, for participation in the war at the side of Hitlerite
Germany, and that in the final settlement account will inevitably be
taken of her own contribution to her liberation.
The declaration was mostly intended to serve as propaganda aimed at
stirring Austrian resistance. Although some
Austrians aided Jews and
are counted as Righteous Among the Nations, there never was an
effective Austrian armed resistance of the sort found in other
countries under German occupation.
However, other occupied countries, such as Norway, Poland and France,
had no such requirements to forcibly provide troops to the Wehrmacht,
and their resistance movements had virtually the entire male populace
of those countries, to call upon. Also, even the extremely few men,
untouched by conscription in Austria, who might make up a resistance
movement, would certainly know that they would probably be killing
fellow Austrians, forced into German service, with each and every
resistance movement attack.
Moscow Declaration is said to have a somewhat complex drafting
history. At Nuremberg, Arthur Seyss-Inquart and Franz von
Papen, in particular, were both indicted under count one
(conspiracy to commit crimes against peace) specifically for their
activities in support of the Austrian
Nazi Party and the Anschluss,
but neither was convicted of this count. In acquitting von Papen, the
court noted that his actions were in its view political immoralities
but not crimes under its charter. Seyss-Inquart was convicted of other
serious war crimes, most of which took place in Poland and the
Netherlands, was sentenced to death and executed.
Austrian identity and the "victim theory"
Austria — the Nazis' first victim
"Red-White-Red Book" published by the Austrian Ministry of Foreign
Affairs in 1946 describes the events of
Austria between 1938-1945 by
the Founders of the Second Austrian Republic.
World War II
World War II many
Austrians sought comfort in the idea of
Austria as being the first victim of the Nazis. Although the Nazi
party was promptly banned,
Austria did not have the same thorough
process of denazification that was imposed on Germany. Lacking outside
pressure for political reform, factions of Austrian society tried for
a long time to advance the view that the
Anschluss was only an
annexation at the point of a bayonet.
This view of the events of 1938 has deep roots in the 10 years of
Allied occupation and the struggle to regain Austrian sovereignty: the
"victim theory" played an essential role in the negotiations for the
Austrian State Treaty
Austrian State Treaty with the Soviets, and by pointing to the Moscow
Declaration, Austrian politicians heavily relied on it to achieve a
Austria different from the division of Germany into
separate Eastern and Western states. The state treaty, alongside the
subsequent Austrian declaration of permanent neutrality, marked
important milestones for the solidification of Austria's independent
national identity during the course of the following decades.
As Austrian politicians of the left and right attempted to reconcile
their differences to avoid the violent conflict that had dominated the
First Republic, discussions of both Austrian
Nazism and Austria's role
during the Nazi-era were largely avoided. Still, the Austrian People's
Party (ÖVP) had advanced, and still advances, the argument that the
establishment of the Dollfuss dictatorship was necessary to maintain
Austrian independence. On the other hand, the Austrian Social
Democratic Party (SPÖ) argues that the Dollfuss dictatorship stripped
the country of the democratic resources necessary to repel Hitler; yet
it ignores the fact that Hitler himself was a native of Austria.
It has also helped the
Austrians develop their own national identity
as before. After
World War II
World War II and the fall of
Nazi Germany the
political ideology of
Pan-Germanism fell into disfavor and is now seen
by the majority of German-speaking people as taboo.
Unlike earlier in the 20th century when there was no Austrian identity
separate from a German one, in 1987 only 6% of the Austrians
identified themselves as "Germans." A survey carried out in 2008
concluded that over 90% of
Austrians considered themselves to be an
For decades, the victim theory remained largely undisputed in Austria.
The public was rarely forced to confront the legacy of Nazi Germany.
One of those occasions arose in 1965, when Taras Borodajkewycz, a
professor of economic history, made anti-Semitic remarks following the
death of Ernst Kirchweger, a concentration camp survivor killed by a
right-wing protester during riots. It was not until the 1980s that
Austrians confronted their mixed past on a large scale. The catalyst
Vergangenheitsbewältigung (struggle to come to terms with the
past) was the Waldheim affair. Kurt Waldheim, a candidate in the
presidential election and former UN Secretary-General, was accused of
having been a member of the Nazi party and of the infamous SA (he was
later absolved of direct involvement in war crimes). The Waldheim
affair started the first serious discussions about Austria's past and
Another factor was the rise of
Jörg Haider and the Freedom Party of
Austria (FPÖ) in the 1980s. The party had combined elements of the
pan-German right with free-market liberalism since its foundation in
1955, but after Haider ascended to the party chairmanship in 1986, the
liberal elements became increasingly marginalized. Haider began to
openly use nationalist and anti-immigrant rhetoric. He was criticised
for using the völkisch (ethnic) definition of national interest
Austria for Austrians") and his apologetics for Austria's past,
notably calling members of the
Waffen-SS "men of honour". Following a
dramatic rise in electoral support in the 1990s that peaked in the
1999 elections, the FPÖ entered a coalition with the Austrian
People's Party (ÖVP), led by Wolfgang Schüssel. This was condemned
in 2000. The coalition prompted the regular Donnerstagsdemonstrationen
(Thursday demonstrations) in protest against the government, which
took place on the
Heldenplatz where Hitler had greeted the masses
during the Anschluss. Haider's tactics and rhetoric, often criticised
as sympathetic to Nazism, forced
Austrians to reconsider their
relationship to the past. Haider's coalition partner, former
Chancellor Wolfgang Schüssel, in a 2000 interview with the Jerusalem
Post, reiterated the "first victim" theory.
The political discussions and soul-searching were reflected in other
aspects of culture. Thomas Bernhard's last play,
generated controversy even before it was produced, fifty years after
Hitler's entrance to the city. Bernhard made the historic elimination
of references to Hitler's reception in
Vienna emblematic of Austrian
attempts to claim its history and culture under questionable criteria.
Many politicians called Bernhard a Nestbeschmutzer (damaging the
reputation of his country) and openly demanded that the play should
not be staged in Vienna's Burgtheater. Waldheim, still president,
called the play "a crude insult to the Austrian people".
Historical Commission and outstanding legal issues
The SS raid a Jewish community center, Vienna, March 1938.
Federal Republic of Germany
Federal Republic of Germany the Vergangenheitsbewältigung
("struggle to come to terms with the past") has been partially
institutionalised in literary, cultural, political, and educational
Austria formed a Historikerkommission ("Historian's
Commission" or "Historical Commission") in 1998 with a mandate to
review Austria's role in the Nazi expropriation of Jewish property
from a scholarly rather than legal perspective, partly in response to
continuing criticism of its handling of property claims. Its
membership was based on recommendations from various quarters,
Simon Wiesenthal and Yad Vashem. The Commission delivered
its report in 2003. Noted
Holocaust historian Raul Hilberg
refused to participate in the Commission and in an interview he stated
his strenuous objections in terms both personal and in reference to
larger questions about Austrian culpability and liability, comparing
what he thought to be relative inattention to the settlement governing
the Swiss bank holdings of those who died or were displaced by the
I personally would like to know why the WJC has hardly put any
pressure on Austria, even as leading Nazis and SS leaders were
Austrians, Hitler included... Immediately after the war, the US wanted
to make the Russians withdraw from Austria, and the Russians wanted to
Austria neutral, therefore there was a common interest to grant
Austria victim status. And later
Austria could cry poor – though its
per capita income is as high as Germany's. And, most importantly, the
Austrian PR machinery works better.
Austria has the opera ball, the
Mozartkugeln [a chocolate]. Americans like that. And
Austrians invest and export relatively little to the US, therefore
they are less vulnerable to blackmail. In the meantime, they set up a
Austria to clarify what happened to Jewish property.
Viktor Klima, the former chancellor, has asked me to join. My father
Austria in the First World War and in 1939 he was kicked
out of Austria. After the war they offered him ten dollars per month
as compensation. For this reason I told Klima, no thank you, this
makes me sick.
Simon Wiesenthal Center continues to criticise
recently as June 2005) for its alleged historical and ongoing
unwillingness aggressively to pursue investigations and trials against
Nazis for war crimes and crimes against humanity from the 1970s
onwards. Its 2001 report offered the following characterization:
Given the extensive participation of numerous Austrians, including at
the highest levels, in the implementation of the Final Solution and
other Nazi crimes,
Austria should have been a leader in the
Holocaust perpetrators over the course of the past four
decades, as has been the case in Germany. Unfortunately relatively
little has been achieved by the Austrian authorities in this regard
and in fact, with the exception of the case of Dr. Heinrich Gross
which was suspended this year under highly suspicious circumstances
(he claimed to be medically unfit, but outside the court proved to be
healthy) not a single Nazi war crimes prosecution has been conducted
Austria since the mid-1970s.
In 2003, the Center launched a worldwide effort named "Operation: Last
Chance" in order to collect further information about those Nazis
still alive that are potentially subject to prosecution. Although
reports issued shortly thereafter credited
Austria for initiating
large-scale investigations, there has been one case where criticism of
Austrian authorities arose recently: The Center has put 92-year-old
Milivoj Asner on its 2005 top ten list. Asner fled to Austria
in 2004 after Croatia announced it would start investigations in the
case of war crimes he may have been involved in. In response to
objections about Asner's continued freedom, Austria's federal
government has deferred to either extradition requests from Croatia or
prosecutorial actions from Klagenfurt, neither of which appears
forthcoming (as of June 2005). Extradition is not an option since
Asner also holds Austrian citizenship, having lived in the country
from 1946 to 1991.
Austrian political and military leaders in Nazi Germany
Hanns Albin Rauter
Alfred Ritter von Hubicki
Areas annexed by Nazi Germany
German occupation of Czechoslovakia
History of the Jews in Austria
History of the Jews in Vienna
King Ottokar's Sceptre
King Ottokar's Sceptre (a fictitious account of the failed Bordurian
coup d'état and invasion of their democratic neighbour Syldavia,
modeled on the Anschluss)
The Great Dictator
The Great Dictator (a fictitious account of the invasion of
"Osterlich" by "Tomania", modeled on the Anschluss)
The Sound of Music
The Sound of Music (a dramatization based on the memoir of Maria von
^ After the Prussian-dominated German nation-state was created in 1871
without Austria, the
German question was still very active in most
parts of the ethnic German lands of the Austro-Hungarian and German
empires; the Austrian pan-Germans were in favour of a Pan-German
Austria joining Germany in order to create a "Greater
Germany" and the Germans inside the
German Empire were in favour of
all Germans being unified into a single state.
^ Hitler was an ethnic German, but was not a German citizen by birth
since he had been born in the Austro-Hungarian empire. He gave up his
Austrian citizenship in 1925 and remained stateless for seven years
before he became a German citizen in 1932.
^ "Anschluss". Britannica. Retrieved 2014-21-05.
Anschluss PONS Online Dictionary
^ Bukey 2002, p. 11.
^ Shirer 1984.
^ Low 1974, p. 3.
^ Blackbourn, David (1997) The Long Nineteenth Century: A History of
Germany, 1780-1918 New York: HarperCollins. pp.160–175.
^ Sheehan, James J. (1993). German History, 1770–1866. Oxford
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^ Taylor, A. J. P. (1964) The Habsburg monarchy, 1809–1918: A
History of the
Austrian Empire and
Austria-Hungary (2nd ed.) ch. 2
^ Suppan (2008). ′Germans′ in the Habsburg Empire. The Germans and
the East. pp. 171–172.
^ Unowsky, Daniel L. (2005). The Pomp and Politics of Patriotism:
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^ Giloi, Eva (2011). Monarchy, Myth, and Material Culture in Germany
1750–1950. Cambridge University Press. pp. 161–162.
^ Low 1974, pp. 14-16.
^ Zeman 1973, pp. 137-142.
^ Gould, S. W. (1950). "Austrian Attitudes toward Anschluss: October
1918 – September 1919". Journal of Modern History. 22 (3):
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^ Stackelberg 1999, p. 194.
^ Low (1976), p.7
^ Staff (September 14, 1919) Preuss Denounces Demand of Allies, The
New York Times
^ David Walker, "Industrial Location in Turbulent Times: Austria
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(1986) 12#2 pp 182–195
^ Taylor, Alan John Percivale (2001). The Course of German History: A
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^ Lemons, Everette O. (2005). The Third Reich, A Revolution of
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^ Kershaw 2008, p. 75.
^ Stackelberg, Roderick (2007) The Routledge Companion to Nazi
^ Mitcham, Samuel (1996) Why Hitler?: The Genesis of the Nazi Reich
^ Kershaw 2008, p. 87.
^ Hitler, Adolf (June 2010). Mein Kampf. Bottom of the Hill.
^ Staff (January 17, 1919) "Divide on German Austria; Centrists Favor
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^ a b c Gunther, John (1936). Inside Europe. Harper & Brothers.
pp. 284–285, 317–318.
^ Rosmus, Anna (2015) Hitlers Nibelungen, Samples Grafenau pp.53f
^ Shirer 1990, p. 296.
^ a b Overy, Richard (1999) "Germany and the Munich Crisis: A
Mutilated Victory?" in Lukes, Igor and Goldstein, Rick (eds.) The
Munich Crisis, 1938 London: Frank Cass. p.200
^ a b c Kershaw 2001, p. 67.
^ a b Kershaw 2001, pp. 67-68.
^ a b c Kershaw 2001, p. 68.
^ Kershaw 2001, p. 45.
^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War”
from Germany and the Second World War pages 636–637
^ Carr, William Arms, Autarchy and Aggression pages 73–78.
^ a b c Weinberg 1981, p. 46.
^ Faber, (2010), pp.108–18
^ John A. Leopold, "Seyss-Inquart and the Austrian Anschluss,"
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^ Giles MacDonogh, 1938: Hitler's Gamble, p.35
^ a b William Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (Touchstone
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^ Price, G. Ward (1939). Year of Reckoning. London: Cassell.
^ Faber (2010), pp.121–24
^ a b "Hitler Triumphant: Early Diplomatic Triumphs".
^ a b CBS World Roundup Broadcast 13 March 1938 Columbia Broadcasting
System retrieved from http://otr.com/ra/news/CBS_Roundup_3-13-1938.mp3
^ Nazis Take Austria, The History Place, retrieved from
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Dobson, 1977, p. 28 Mayerhofer (1998). "Österreichs Weg zum Anschluss
im März 1938" (in German). Wiener Zeitung Online. Retrieved 11 March
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^ ORT, World. "Music and the Holocaust".
Albert Speer recalled the
Austrians cheering approval as cars of
Germans entered what had once been an independent Austria. Speer
^ W. Carr, Arms,
Autarky and Aggression: A study in German Foreign
Policy, 1933–1939, (Southampton, 1981) p.85.
^ a b c MacDonogh, Giles (2009). 1938. Basic Books. pp. 35–36.
^ Surprised or not, Hitler’s schoolboy dream of a "greater Germany"
had come to fruition when
Austria was incorporated into the Reich.
Ozment (2005), p.274.
^ a b Stackelberg 1999, p. 170.
^ Hildebrand (1973), pp.60-61
^ Liulevicius, Vejas Gabriel (2009). The German Myth of the East: 1800
to the Present. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 184.
^ Original German: "Als Führer und Kanzler der deutschen Nation und
des Reiches melde ich vor der deutschen Geschichte nunmehr den
Eintritt meiner Heimat in das Deutsche Reich."
^ "Video: Hitler proclaims Austria's inclusion in the Reich (2 MB)".
Retrieved 11 March 2007.
^ "Anschluss". Archived from the original on 21 June 2005.
^ James Giblin (2002). The Life and Death of Adolf Hitler. Houghton
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^ John Toland (23 September 2014). Adolf Hitler: The Definitive
Biography. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 450.
^ AUSTRIA: 'Spring Cleaning' Time Magazine, Mar. 28, 1938
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^ Austria: A Country Study. Select link on left for The
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Democratic Union London, England 1942
^ Österreich, Außenministerium der Republik. "Joint communiqué by
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Nazi Germany –
BMEIA, Außenministerium Österreich".
^ Snyder, Timothy (2015). Black Earth: The
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^ Maria Kohl, Katrin; Ritchie, Robertson (2006). A History of Austrian
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^ McKale, Donald (2006). Hitler's Shadow War: The
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Austrian Historical Commission
BBC article by Robert Knight, who served on the Historikercommission
Full text of the Moscow Declaration
Simon Wiesenthal Center
Time magazine coverage of the events of the Anschluss
Adolf Hitler in Vienna
Anschluss – a soundbite history of the German invasion into Austria
Map of Europe at time of
Anschluss at omniatlas.com
Countries occupied by Germany during World War II
Bohemia and Moravia
See also: Areas annexed by
Nazi Germany •
Military administrations •
Margraviate of Austria
Duchy of Austria
Archduchy of Austria
Siege of Vienna
March Constitution of Austria
Congress of Vienna
First Austrian Republic
Austrian Civil War
Federal State of Austria
History of Vienna
Military history of Austria
Coat of arms