Aneurin Bevan (/əˈnaɪrɪn ˈbɛvən/; Welsh: [aˈnəɨ.rɪn];
15 November 1897 – 6 July 1960), often known as Nye Bevan, was
Welsh Labour Party politician who was the Minister for Health in the
Attlee ministry from 1945-51. The son of a coal miner, Bevan
was a lifelong champion of social justice, the rights of working
people and democratic socialism. He was a long-time Member of
Parliament (MP), representing Ebbw Vale in
South Wales for 31 years.
He was one of the chief spokesmen for the Labour Party's left wing,
and of left-wing British thought generally. His most famous
accomplishment came when, as Minister of Health, he spearheaded the
establishment of the National Health Service, which was to provide
medical care free at point-of-need to all Britons, regardless of
wealth. He resigned when the Attlee government decided to transfer
funds from the
National Insurance Fund
National Insurance Fund to pay for rearmament. The
left-wing group within the party was described as "Bevanite" but he
did not control it.
Born into a working-class family in South Wales, Bevan eventually
emerged one of Wales' most revered politicians. In 2004, over forty
years after his death, he was voted first in a list of 100 Welsh
Heroes, having been credited for his contribution to the founding of
the welfare state.
5 Bibliographic publications
6 See also
9 Further reading
9.1 Primary sources
10 External links
Bevan was born in Tredegar, Monmouthshire, in the
South Wales Valleys
and on the northern edge of the
South Wales coalfield, the son of coal
miner David Bevan and Phoebe (née Prothero), a seamstress. Both
Bevan's parents were Nonconformists; his father was a
Baptist and his
mother a Methodist. One of ten children, Bevan did poorly at school
and his academic performance was so bad, that his headmaster made him
repeat a year. At the age of thirteen, Bevan left school and began
working in the local Ty-Trist Colliery. David Bevan had been a
supporter of the Liberal Party in his youth, but was converted to
socialism by the writings of
Robert Blatchford in the Clarion and
joined the Independent Labour Party.
Aneurin Bevan also joined the
Tredegar branch of the South Wales
Miners' Federation and became a trade union activist: he was head of
his local Miners' Lodge at only nineteen years of age. Bevan became a
well-known local orator and was seen by his employers, the Tredegar
Iron Company, as a troublemaker. The manager of the colliery found an
excuse to get him sacked. But, with the support of the Miners'
Federation, the case was judged as one of victimisation and the
company was forced to re-employ him.
In 1919, he won a scholarship to the
Central Labour College in London,
sponsored by the
South Wales Miners' Federation. There, he spent two
years studying economics, politics and history. He read Marxism at the
college, developing his left-wing political outlook. Reciting long
passages by William Morris, Bevan gradually began to overcome the
stammer that he had had since he was a child.
Bevan remained at the College until 1921, attending at a time when a
number of his contemporaries from South Wales, including Jim
Griffiths, were also students at the College. However, some historians
have questioned how influential the College was on his political
development. He was not, apparently, one of the most diligent
students, and found it difficult to follow an organised routine,
including getting up early for breakfast.
Bevan was one of the founding members of the "Query Club" with his
brother Billy and Walter Conway. The club started in 1920 or 1921 and
they met in Tredegar. They would collect money each week for any
member who needed it. The club intended to break the hold that the
Tredegar Iron and Coal Company had on the town by becoming members of
pivotal groups in the community.
Tredegar Query Club by friends including
Aneurin Bevan and Walter
Conway. Conway is in the middle of the picture. Aneurin is second from
right on the back row and his brother Billy is second right on front
Upon returning home in 1921, he found that the
Tredegar Iron &
Coal Company refused to re-employ him. He did not find work until 1924
and his employer, the
Bedwellty Colliery, closed down only ten months
later. Bevan then had to endure another year of unemployment. In
February 1925, his father died of pneumoconiosis.
In 1926, he found work again, this time as a paid union official. His
wage of £5 a week was paid by the members of the local Miners' Lodge.
His new job arrived in time for him to head the local miners against
the colliery companies in what would become the General Strike. When
the strike started on 3 May 1926, Bevan soon emerged as one of the
leaders of the
South Wales miners. The miners remained on strike for
six months. Bevan was largely responsible for the distribution of
strike pay in
Tredegar and the formation of the Council of Action, an
organisation that helped to raise money and provided food for the
He was a member of the Cottage Hospital Management Committee around
1928 and was chairman in 1929–30.
In 1928, Bevan won a seat on Monmouthshire County Council. With that
success he was picked as the Labour Party candidate for Ebbw Vale
(displacing the sitting MP), and easily held the seat at the 1929
General Election. In Parliament he soon became noticed as a harsh
critic of those he felt opposed the working man. His targets included
Winston Churchill and the Liberal David Lloyd George,
as well as
Ramsay MacDonald and
Margaret Bondfield from his own Labour
party (he targeted the latter for her unwillingness to increase
unemployment benefits). He had solid support from his constituency,
being one of the few Labour MPs to be unopposed in the 1931 General
Election and this support grew through the 1930s and the period of the
Great Depression in the United Kingdom.
Soon after he entered parliament Bevan was briefly attracted to Oswald
Mosley's arguments, becoming one of the 17 signatories of the Mosley
Memorandum in the context of the MacDonald government's repeated
economic crises, including the doubling of unemployment levels.
However, in the words of his biographer John Campbell, "he breached
with Mosley as soon as Mosley breached with the Labour Party". This is
symptomatic of his lifelong commitment to the Labour Party, which was
a result of his firm belief that only a party supported by the British
Labour Movement could have a realistic chance of attaining political
power for the working class.
He married fellow Socialist MP Jennie Lee in 1934. He was an early
supporter of the socialists in
Spain and visited that country in
1938. In 1936 he joined the board of the new socialist newspaper
Tribune. His agitations for a united socialist front of all parties of
the left (including the Communist Party of Great Britain) led to his
brief expulsion from the Labour Party in March to November 1939 (along
Stafford Cripps and C. P. Trevelyan). But, he was readmitted in
November 1939 after agreeing "to refrain from conducting or taking
part in campaigns in opposition to the declared policy of the
He strongly criticised the British government's rearmament plans in
the face of the rise of Hitler's Germany, saying to the Labour
conference in autumn 1937:
If the immediate international situation is used as an excuse to get
us to drop our opposition to the rearmament programme of the
Government, the next phase must be that we must desist from any
industrial or political action that may disturb national unity in the
face of Fascist aggression. Along that road is endless retreat, and at
the end of it a voluntary totalitarian State with ourselves erecting
the barbed wire around. You cannot collaborate, you cannot accept the
logic of collaboration on a first class issue like rearmament, and at
the same time evade the implications of collaboration all along the
line when the occasion demands it.
However the Labour conference voted to drop its opposition to
Winston Churchill said that the Labour Party should
refrain from giving Hitler the impression that Britain was divided,
Bevan rejected this as "sinister": "The fear of Hitler is to be used
to frighten the workers of Britain into silence. In short Hitler is to
rule Britain by proxy. If we accept the contention that the common
enemy is Hitler and not the British capitalist class, then certainly
Churchill is right. But it means abandonment of the class struggle and
the subservience of the British workers to their own employers".
However, by March 1938 Bevan was writing in Tribune that Churchill's
warnings about German intentions for
Czechoslovakia were "a diapason
of majestic harmony" compared to Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain's
"thin, listless trickle". Bevan now called unsuccessfully for a
Popular Front against fascism under the leadership of the Labour
Party, including even anti-fascist Tories.On 31 March 1939 Bevan
was expelled from the Labour Party along with a handful of others for
sharing platforms with organisations not affiliated to Labour in his
pursuit of a Popular Front.
When the government introduced voluntary national service in December
1938, Bevan argued that Labour should demand the nationalisation of
the armaments industry, support Republican
Spain and sign an
Anglo-Soviet pact in return for its support. When Labour supported the
government's scheme with no such conditions, Bevan denounced Labour
for imploring the people on recruiting platforms to put themselves
under the leadership of their opponents. When conscription was
introduced six months later, Bevan joined the rest of the Labour Party
in opposing it, calling it "the complete abandonment of any hope of a
successful struggle against the weight of wealth in Great
Britain". The government had no arguments to persuade young men to
fight "except merely in another squalid attempt to defend themselves
against the redistribution of international swag".
In August 1939 came the Nazi–Soviet Pact. In Parliament Bevan argued
that this was the logical outcome of the government's foreign policy.
However at this time of national crisis he voted for the first time
with the government. He wanted the war to be not just a fight against
fascism but a war for socialism.
He was a strong critic of the policies of Chamberlain, arguing that
his old enemy
Winston Churchill should be given power. During the war
he was one of the main leaders of the left in the Commons, opposing
the wartime Coalition government. Bevan opposed the heavy censorship
imposed on radio and newspapers and wartime Defence Regulation 18B,
which gave the Home Secretary the powers to intern citizens without
trial. Bevan called for the nationalisation of the coal industry and
advocated the opening of a Second Front in Western Europe to help the
Soviet Union in its fight with Germany. Churchill responded by calling
Bevan "a squalid nuisance".
Bevan was critical of the leadership of the
British Army which he felt
was class bound and inflexible. After Ritchie's retreat across
Cyrenaica early in 1942 and his disastrous defeat by Rommel at Gazala,
Bevan made one of his most memorable speeches in the Commons in
support of a motion of censure against the Churchill government. In
this he said, "The Prime Minister must realise that in this country
there is a taunt on everyone's lips that if Rommel had been in the
British Army he would still have been a sergeant ... There is a man in
British Army who flung 150,000 men across the
Ebro in Spain,
Michael Dunbar. He is at present a sergeant...He was Chief of Staff in
Spain, he won the Battle of the Ebro, and he is a sergeant." In fact,
Dunbar had been recommended for a commission, but rejected it
Bevan believed that the
Second World War
Second World War would give Britain the
opportunity to create "a new society". He often quoted an 1855 passage
from Karl Marx: "The redeeming feature of war is that it puts a nation
to the test. As exposure to the atmosphere reduces all mummies to
instant dissolution, so war passes supreme judgment upon social
systems that have outlived their vitality." At the beginning of the
1945 general election campaign Bevan told his audience that his goal
was to eliminate any opposition to the Labour programme: "We have been
the dreamers, we have been the sufferers, now we are the builders. We
enter this campaign at this general election, not merely to get rid of
the Tory majority. We want the complete political extinction of the
Tory Party, and twenty-five years of Labour Government."
Main articles: Political history of the United Kingdom
(1945–present) and Attlee ministry
The 1945 general election resulted in a landslide victory for the
Labour Party, giving it a large enough majority to allow the
implementation of the party's manifesto commitments and to introduce a
programme of far-reaching social reforms that were collectively dubbed
the "Welfare State" (see 1945 Labour Election Manifesto). These
reforms were achieved in the face of great financial difficulty
following the war. The new Prime Minister, Clement Attlee, appointed
Aneurin Bevan as Minister of Health, with a remit that also covered
Housing. Thus, the responsibility for instituting a new and
comprehensive National Health Service, as well as tackling the
country's severe post-war housing shortage, fell to the youngest
member of Attlee's Cabinet in his first ministerial position. The free
National Health Service
National Health Service was paid for directly through public money.
Government income was increased for the welfare state expenditure by a
severe increase in marginal tax rates for wealthy business owners in
particular, as part of what the Labour government largely saw as the
redistribution of the wealth created by the working-class from the
owners of large-scale industry to the workers.
The collective principle asserts that... no society can legitimately
call itself civilised if a sick person is denied medical aid because
of lack of means.
— Aneurin Bevan, In Place of Fear, p. 100
On the "appointed day", 5 July 1948, having overcome political
opposition from both the Conservative Party and from within his own
party, and after a dramatic showdown with the British Medical
Association, which had threatened to derail the National Health
Service scheme before it had even begun, as medical practitioners
continued to withhold their support just months before the launch of
the service, Bevan's
National Health Service
National Health Service Act 1946 came into force.
After eighteen months of ongoing dispute between the Ministry of
Health and the BMA, Bevan finally managed to win over the support of
the vast majority of the medical profession by offering a couple of
minor concessions, but without compromising on the fundamental
principles of his
National Health Service
National Health Service proposals. Bevan later gave
the famous quote that, to broker the deal, he had "stuffed their
mouths with gold". Some 2,688 voluntary and municipal hospitals in
England and Wales
England and Wales were nationalised and came under Bevan's supervisory
control as Health Minister.
The National Health service and the Welfare State have come to be used
as interchangeable terms, and in the mouths of some people as terms of
reproach. Why this is so it is not difficult to understand, if you
view everything from the angle of a strictly individualistic
competitive society. A free health service is pure Socialism and as
such it is opposed to the hedonism of capitalist society.
Statue of Bevan in
Cardiff by Robert Thomas
When Bevan was made a minister in 1945, he envisioned a sector of
public housing that would provide people with the choice to live in
owner occupation or the private sector:
We should try to introduce in our modern villages and towns what was
always the lovely feature of English and Welsh villages, where the
doctor, the grocer, the butcher and the farm labourer all lived in the
same street. I believe that is essential for the full life of
citizen... to see the living tapestry of a mixed community.
Substantial bombing damage and the continued existence of pre-war
slums in many parts of the country made the task of housing reform
particularly challenging for Bevan. Indeed, these factors, exacerbated
by post-war restrictions on the availability of building materials and
skilled labour, collectively served to limit Bevan's achievements in
this area. 1946 saw the completion of 55,600 new homes; this rose to
139,600 in 1947 and 227,600 in 1948. While this was not an
insignificant achievement, Bevan's rate of house-building was seen as
less of an achievement than that of his Conservative (indirect)
successor, Harold Macmillan, who was able to complete some 300,000 a
year as Minister for Housing in the 1950s. Macmillan was able to
concentrate full-time on Housing, instead of being obliged, like
Bevan, to combine his housing portfolio with that for Health (which
for Bevan took the higher priority).
Bevan contended that his Welsh mining constituency did not send him to
Parliament to "dress up" and declined to wear formal attire at
Buckingham Palace functions.
Bevan said at a party rally in 1948: "That is why no amount of
cajolery, and no attempts at ethical or social seduction, can
eradicate from my heart a deep burning hatred for the Tory Party that
inflicted those bitter experiences on me. So far as I am concerned
they are lower than vermin. They condemned millions of first-class
people to semi-starvation." The comment inspired the creation of
Vermin Club by angry Conservatives; they attacked Bevan for years
for the metaphor. Labour Party deputy leader Herbert Morrison
complained that Bevan's attack had backfired, for his words "did much
more to make the Tories work and vote... than Conservative Central
Office could have done."
In 1951, with the retirement of Ernest Bevin, Bevan was a leading
candidate for Foreign Secretary. Prime Minister Attlee rejected Bevan
because he distrusted his personality. According to John Campbell,
Attlee thought that:
Bevan's impetuous temperament, undiplomatic tone and reputation as an
extreme left-winger combined to make the Foreign Office seem the last
place a prudent Prime Minister would think of putting him at any time.
His "vermin" speech still resonated; imagination shuddered at a
repetition of that on the international stage.
Bevan was appointed Minister of Labour (during which he helped to
secure a deal for railwaymen which provided them with a big pay
increase)) in 1951 but soon resigned in protest at Hugh
Gaitskell's introduction of prescription charges for dental care and
spectacles—created to meet the financial demands imposed by the
Korean War. Two other ministers, John Freeman and Harold Wilson
resigned at the same time. See Bevan’s Resignation speech 23 April
1951. Later the same year, the Labour Party were defeated at the
After Bevan left the Health ministry in 1951 he could never regain his
level of success. For all his wit and brilliance, Bevan proved a
difficult colleague and feuded with fellow Labour leaders, using his
strong political base as a weapon.
Kenneth O. Morgan says, "Bevan
alone kept the flag of left-wing socialism aloft throughout — which
gave him a matchless authority amongst the constituency parties and in
Aneurin Bevan speaking in
Corwen in 1952
Bevan's last decade saw his political position weaken year by year as
he failed to find a winning issue that would make use of his
In 1952 Bevan published In Place of Fear, "the most widely read
socialist book" of the period, according to a highly critical
right-wing Labour MP Anthony Crosland. According to The Times
Literary Supplement the book was a "dithyramb with meanderings into
the many side-tracks of Mr Bevan's private and public experience."
Bevan begins: "A young miner in a
South Wales colliery, my concern was
with the one practical question: Where does power lie in this
particular state of Great Britain, and how can it be attained by the
In March 1952, a poorly prepared Bevan came off the worse in an
evening Commons debate on health with Conservative backbencher Iain
Macleod: Macleod's performance led Churchill to appoint him Minister
of Health some six weeks after his debate with Bevan.
Out of office, Bevan soon exacerbated the split within the Labour
Party between the right and the left. For the next five years, Bevan
was the leader of the left wing of the Labour Party, who became known
as Bevanites. They criticised high defence expenditure (especially for
nuclear weapons), called for better relations with the Soviet Union,
and opposed the party leader, Attlee, on most issues. According to
Richard Crossman Bevan hated "the in-fighting which you have to do in
politics.... He wasn't cut out to be a leader, he was cut out to be a
prophet." In 1954, Gaitskell defeated Bevan in a hard fought
contest to be the Treasurer of the Labour Party. In March 1955, when
Britain was preparing for tests of its first hydrogen bomb, Bevan led
a revolt of 57 Labour MPs and abstained on a key vote. The
Parliamentary Labour Party voted 141 to 113 to withdraw the whip from
him, but it was restored within a month due to his popularity.
After the 1955 general election, Attlee retired as leader. Bevan
contested the leadership against both Morrison and Labour right-winger
Hugh Gaitskell, but it was Gaitskell who emerged victorious. Bevan's
remark that "I know the right kind of political Leader for the Labour
Party is a kind of desiccated calculating machine" was assumed to
refer to Gaitskell, although Bevan denied it (commenting upon
Gaitskell's record as Chancellor of the Exchequer as having "proved"
this). However, Gaitskell was prepared to make Bevan Shadow Colonial
Secretary, and then
Shadow Foreign Secretary
Shadow Foreign Secretary in 1956. Bevan was as
critical of the Egyptian dictator Colonel Nasser's seizure of the Suez
Canal on 26 July 1956 as he was of the subsequent Anglo-French
military response. He compared Nasser with Ali Baba and the Forty
Thieves. He was a vocal critic of the Conservative government's
actions in the Suez Crisis, noticeably delivering high-profile
Trafalgar Square on 4 November 1956 at a protest rally,
and criticising the government's actions and arguments in Commons on 5
December 1956. At the Trafalgar rally, Bevan accused the government of
a "policy of bankruptcy and despair". Bevan stated at the
We are stronger than Egypt but there are other countries stronger than
us. Are we prepared to accept for ourselves the logic we are applying
to Egypt? If nations more powerful than ourselves accept the absence
of principle, the anarchistic attitude of Eden and launch bombs on
London, what answer have we got, what complaint have we got? If we are
going to appeal to force, if force is to be the arbiter to which we
appeal, it would at least make common sense to try to make sure
beforehand that we have got it, even if you accept that abysmal logic,
that decadent point of view.
We are in fact in the position today of having appealed to force in
the case of a small nation, where if it is appealed to against us it
will result in the destruction of Great Britain, not only as a nation,
but as an island containing living men and women. Therefore I say to
Anthony, I say to the British government, there is no count at all
upon which they can be defended.
They have besmirched the name of Britain. They have made us ashamed of
the things of which formerly we were proud. They have offended against
every principle of decency and there is only one way in which they can
even begin to restore their tarnished reputation and that is to get
out! Get out! Get out!
That year, he was finally elected as party treasurer, beating George
Bevan dismayed many of his supporters when he suddenly reversed his
opposition to nuclear weapons. Speaking at the 1957 Labour Party
conference, he decried unilateral nuclear disarmament, saying "It
would send a British Foreign Secretary naked into the
conference-chamber". This statement is often misconstrued: Bevan
argued that unilateralism would result in Britain's loss of allies,
and one interpretation of his metaphor is that nakedness would come
from the lack of allies, not the lack of weapons. According to the
journalist Paul Routledge, Donald Bruce, a former MP and Parliamentary
Private Secretary and adviser to Bevan, had told him that Bevan's
shift on the disarmament issue was the result of discussions with the
Soviet government where they advised him to push for British retention
of nuclear weapons so they could possibly be used as a bargaining chip
in negotiations with the United States.
In 1957, Bevan,
Richard Crossman and the Labour Party's General
Morgan Phillips sued
The Spectator magazine for libel, after
one of its writers described them as drinking heavily during an
Italian Socialist Party conference. The article wrote that the three
...puzzled the Italians by their capacity to fill themselves like
tanks with whisky and coffee... Although the Italians were never sure
the British delegation were sober, they always attributed to them an
immense political acumen.
The three won their case, and collected financial damages: later,
however, Crossman was to acknowledge that they had perjured themselves
to do so.
In 1959, Bevan was elected as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. In
pain, he checked into a hospital at the end of 1959 to undergo surgery
for an ulcer, but malignant stomach cancer was discovered instead.
Bevan died in his sleep, at 4.10pm on 6 July 1960, at the age of 62 at
his home Asheridge Farm, Chesham, Buckinghamshire. His remains were
cremated at Gwent Crematorium in Croesyceiliog.
His last speech in the House of Commons, in the Debate of 3 November
1959 on the Queen's Speech, referred to the difficulties of
persuading the electorate to support a policy which would make them
less well-off in the short term but more prosperous in the long term.
Why Not Trust The Tories?, 1944. Published under the pseudonym
'Celticus'. The title was intended ironically.
In Place of Fear, 1952. (ISBN 9781163810118)
Excerpts from Bevan's speeches are included in Greg Rosen's Old Labour
to New, Methuen, 2005.
Bevan's key speeches in the legislative arena are to be found in:
Peter J. Laugharne (ed.),
Aneurin Bevan – A Parliamentary Odyssey:
Volume I, Speeches at Westminster 1929–1944, Manutius Press, 1996.
Peter J. Laugharne (ed.),
Aneurin Bevan – A Parliamentary Odyssey:
Volume II, Speeches at Westminster 1945–1960, Manutius Press, 2000.
Peter J. Laugharne (ed.),
Aneurin Bevan – A Parliamentary Odyssey:
Volumes I and II, Speeches at Westminster 1929–1960, Manutius Press,
Ernest Bevin (not to be confused with Aneurin Bevan)
^ Duncan Hall. A2 Government and Politics: Ideologies and Ideologies
in Action. Peel Island Productions. p. 46.
ISBN 978-1-4477-3399-7 – via Google Books.
^ "BBC - Enduring legacy of Aneurin Bevan". bbc.co.uk.
^ 100 Welsh Heroes. "
Aneurin Bevan /
100 Welsh Heroes / 100 Arwyr
Cymru". Archived from the original on 14 September 2015.
^ Foot, vol. 1, ch. 1.
^ Foot, vol. 1, p. 28.
^ Morgan 1981, pp. 196-7.
^ a b Aneurin Bevan: The greatest Welsh hero,
Trust, accessed May 2010
^ Foot, vol. 1, ch. 3.
^ "History of James Ramsey MacDonald - GOV.UK". Retrieved 25 April
^ Smith, Dai. "Bevan, Aneurin [Nye] (1897–1960)". Oxford Dictionary
of National Biography. Retrieved 18 October 2017.
^ a b Campbell 1987, p. 77.
^ a b Campbell 1987, p. 80.
^ Campbell 1987, p. 83.
^ Campbell 1987, p. 82.
^ a b Campbell 1987, p. 85.
^ Campbell 1987, pp. 85–86.
^ Wrigley 2002, p. 60.
^ Kynaston 2008, p. 64.
^ Bevan argues that the percentage of tax from personal incomes rose
from 9% in 1938 to 15% in 1949. But the lowest paid a tax rate of 1%,
up from 0.2% in 1938, the middle income brackets paid 14% to 26%, up
from 10% to 18% in 1938, the higher earners paid 42%, up from 29%, and
the top earners 77%, up from 58% in 1938. In Place of Fear, p. 146. If
you earned over £800,000 per annum in 2005 money terms (£10,000 in
1948), you paid 76.7% income tax.
^ Aneurin Bevan, In Place of Fear
^ Matt Beech and Simon Lee (eds), Ten Years of New Labour, Palgrave
^ Allan Michie, God Save the Queen, p. 159 (1952).
^ Bevan’s speech to the Manchester Labour rally, 4 July 1948.
^ Nicklaus Thomas-Symonds, Nye: The Political Life of Aneurin Bevan
(2014) p 5
^ John Campbell, Nye Bevan: a biography (1987) p 229
^ Labour in Power, 1945–51 by Kenneth Morgan)
^ Kenneth O. Morgan, Labour in Power (1985) p 57
^ Krug 1961.
^ "In Place of Fear A Free Health Service 1952". Socialist Health
Association. Retrieved 21 December 2013.
^ Crosland, p. 52.
^ Kynaston 2009, p. 82.
^ Paul Addison (2013). Churchill on the Home Front, 1900–1955. Faber
& Faber. pp. 1–2.
^ Kynaston 2009, p. 81.
^ Callaghan, John, British Labour Party and International Relations
Socialism and War, p. 233.
^ a b "
Aneurin Bevan 1956". New Statesman. UK. 4 February 2010.
Retrieved 22 August 2011.
^ Peter Dorey (2004). The Labour Governments 1964–1970. Taylor &
Francis. p. 12.
^ John Callaghan (2004). The Labour Party and Foreign Policy: A
History. Taylor & Francis. p. 225.
^ Routledge, Paul (30 May 2005). "Nye Bevan's sensational secret". New
Statesman. Archived from the original on 5 July 2007. Retrieved 13
October 2008. CS1 maint: Unfit url (link)
Roy Jenkins writes of his former colleagues (in "Aneurin Bevan" in
Portraits and Miniatures, 2011) that they "sailed to victory on the
unfortunate combination of Lord Chief Justice Goddard's prejudice
against the anti-hanging and generally libertarian Spectator of those
days and the perjury of the plaintiffs, subsequently exposed in
Crossman's endlessly revealing diaries." Dominic Lawson wrote (in The
Independent, "Chris Huhne's downfall is another example of the amazing
risks a politician will take". 4 February 2013): "Crossman’s
posthumously published diaries revealed that the story was accurate;
and in 1978 Brian Inglis on What the Papers Say revealed that Crossman
had told him a few days after the case that they had committed
perjury". Mihir Bose (in "Britain's Libel Laws: Malice Aforethought",
History Today, 5 May 2013) quotes Bevan's biographer, John Campbell,
to the effect that the case had destroyed the career of the young
journalist involved, Jenny Nicholson.
^ Rubinstein, David (2006). The labour party and British Society:
1880–2005. Sussex Academic Press. p. 118.
^ "Debate on the Address". Hansard. Theyworkforyou.com. 612 (House of
Commons Debate): Columns 860–985. 3 November 1959. Retrieved 13
Campbell, John (1987). Nye Bevan and the Mirage of British Socialism.
London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-297-78998-7.
Crosland, Anthony. The Future of Socialism.
Aneurin Bevan (2 vols 1962 and 1974); by a politician
who greatly admired Bevan. However Williams warns that it is seriously
deficient and advises "no quotation should be considered correct
unless verified"; Williams points to selective omissions,
misrepresentation of Bevan's opponents, and poor coverage of Bevan's
views that Foot does not share. Philip M. Williams, "Foot-Faults in
the Gaitskell-Bevan Match," Political Studies (1979), 27#1
Krug, Mark M. (1961). Aneurin Bevan: Cautious Rebel. New York:
Kynaston, David (2008) . Austerity Britain, 1945–51. Tales of
a New Jerusalem. 1. London: Bloomsbury.
— (2009). Family Britain 1951-57. Tales of a New Jerusalem. 2.
London: Bloomsbury. ISBN 978-0-7475-8385-1.
Morgan, Kenneth O. (1981). Rebirth of a Nation. Wales 1889-1980.
Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-821760-9.
Wrigley, Chris (2002). Winston Churchill: A Biographical Companion.
Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO.
Lee, Jennie (1980). My Life with Nye. London: Jonathan Cape.
Campbell, John (1987). "Demythologising Nye Bevan". History Today. 37
(4): 13–18. ISSN 0018-2753.
Foot, Michael. Aneurin Bevan: 1897-1945 (vol 1, 1962), a standard
detailed biography by a supporter
Foot, Michael. Aneurin Bevan: 1945-1960. (vol 2, 1979)
Hennessy, Peter. Never Again: Britain 1945-1951 (Penguin UK, 2006).
Bevanism - Labour's High Tide. The Cold War and the
Democratic Mass Movement (1979).
Morgan, Kenneth O. Labour People (Oxford University Press, 1987), pp
Morgan, Kenneth O. "Aneurin Bevan" in Kevin Jefferys, ed., Labour
Forces: From Ernie Bevin to
Gordon Brown (2002) pp 81–103.
Rosen, Greg (ed.), Dictionary of Labour Biography, (Politicos
Smith, Dai. "Bevan, Aneurin (1897–1960)", Oxford Dictionary of
National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, January
Smith, Dai, ed.
Aneurin Bevan & the World of
South Wales (1993),
359pp; 12 essays by experts.
Thomas-Symonds, Nicklaus. Nye: The Political Life of
Aneurin Bevan (IB
Tauris, 2014). excerpt; bibliography pp 295–301.
Laugharne, Peter J. (ed.),
Aneurin Bevan – A Parliamentary Odyssey:
Volume I, Speeches at Westminster 1929–1944, Manutius Press, 1996;
Aneurin Bevan – A Parliamentary Odyssey: Volume II, Speeches at
Westminster 1945–1960, Manutius Press, 2000.
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Aneurin Bevan
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Aneurin Bevan.
Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by Aneurin Bevan
Works by or about
Aneurin Bevan at Internet Archive
Aneurin Bevan at
LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
Never Again! Aneurin Bevan, Housing and Harold Hill[permanent dead
History of the
Tredegar Medical Aid Society
Aneurin Bevan and the foundation of the NHS: Socialist Health
Biography with excerpts
BBC Biography with Audio clip of speech on NHS
"Great speeches: Aneurin Bevan", The Guardian, featuring full audio of
Bevan's speech at the 4 November 1956
Trafalgar Square rally against
British action in Suez.
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