The Rassemblement Démocratique Africain, commonly known as the RDA
and variously translated as African Democratic Assembly and African
Democratic Rally, was a political party in
French West Africa
French West Africa and
French Equatorial Africa
French Equatorial Africa which was important in the decolonization of
the French empire. The RDA was composed of different political parties
throughout the French colonies in Africa and lasted from 1946 until
1958. At certain points, the RDA was the largest political party in
the colonies in Africa and played a key role in the French government
headed by the
Democratic and Socialist Union of the Resistance (UDSR).
Although the regional party largely dissolved in 1958 with the
independence votes for the colonies, many of the national parties
retained the RDA in their name and some continue to do so. The
political ideology of the party did not endorse outright secession of
colonies from France, but it was anti-colonial and pan-Africanist in
its political stances.
The RDA was formed at a conference in Bamako, in the colony of French
Sudan, in 1946. The aim of the conference was to unite African leaders
affiliated with the French Socialist Party with those affiliated with
French Communist Party
French Communist Party together to work on reconfiguring the
relationship between France and the African colonies. However, the
French Socialist leaders in France saw the proposal as undermining
their relationships and so forced their African members to withdraw
from the conference. The result was that the resulting party was
exclusively supported by the Communist Party, a situation which shaped
the early positions of the party and its political opportunities. The
leader of the party from this first conference until the very end was
Félix Houphouët-Boigny of the Ivory Coast. Because of the withdrawal
of the socialists from the party, the RDA was initially in a coalition
French Communist Party
French Communist Party in the French National Assembly.
However, this coalition alienated many RDA delegates who eventually
split with the RDA and formed the rival Indépendants d'Outre-Mer
(IOM) party. Continued French hostility to the RDA, a weakening of the
Communist Party in France, and the defection of delegates to the IOM,
resulted in the RDA ending its coalition with the communists and
joining the small Democratic and Socialist Union of the Resistance
Following a number of years of electoral defeats and French repression
of the party, the RDA returned to prominence in regional politics by
performing very well in the 1956 and 1957 elections throughout the
colonies. The RDA became the largest political party in French Africa
and the largest group in the UDSR which allowed Houphouët-Boigny to
become a prominent French minister after the 1956 elections. As
minister, Houphouët-Boigny crafted the 1958 option to the colonies to
vote for immediate independence or to join a community linking the
colonies with France but with increased autonomy. The vote, however,
divided the RDA over the issues of independence and federalism and the
party largely split. Despite the breakup of the party after the 1958
vote, the national parties and the connections established regionally
through the party remained important. The RDA parties in
Mali, which were the dominant parties in those countries during and
after independence, joined together with the former British colony of
Ghana to form the Union of African States. In contrast, the Ivory
Dahomey were joined together with the Conseil de
l'Entente in the era after independence.
1 Political context
2 Formation: 1946
3 Divisions: 1947–49
4 Chaos in the Ivory Coast: 1949
5 Break with the Communists (1950–55)
6 Return to power and dissolution: 1956–58
7 National RDA parties
8 Coalitions with political parties
10 External resources
French West Africa
French Equatorial Africa
With the end of World War II, the French colonial empire set about a
significant reorganization of the relationship between France and the
colonies. Before the establishment of the French Fourth Republic, the
only colony in
French West Africa
French West Africa or
French Equatorial Africa
French Equatorial Africa with any
elections for political authorities was Senegal. The rest of the
colonies had few Africans who were considered citizens of France, no
elections, and suppression of most political movements.
With the establishment of the
French Union (French: Union française)
in 1946 all of the colonies of French Africa (except for the
trusteeship of Togo) became overseas departments which would provide
to the colonies expanded citizenship, the right to elect members to
the French National Assembly, and some limited autonomy for local
councils. The 1946 French elections in June largely split the
legislature between a coalition of the Popular Republican Movement
(French: Mouvement Républicain Populaire or MRP) the French Communist
Party (French: Parti Communiste Français or PCF), and the French
Section of the Workers' International (French: Section Française de
l'Internationale Ouvrière or SFIO). This split meant that each party
needed to court African deputies to the National Assembly in order to
further their legislative causes. The SFIO was the only party with
actual party branches established in the African colonies, while the
Communist party had established Groupes d’Etudes Communistes
(Communist Study Groups) in many of the capitals of the African
colonies in 1943 and the MRP had various networks arranged by the
Combined with the need for African deputies by the main French
political parties, many African leaders believed that the pathway to
improved conditions for the colonies lay largely in working with the
French government rather than leading revolutionary movements. The
result was a marriage of convenience linking the French political
parties with newly elected African deputies. While the SFIO had the
most institutionalized linkages to African political leaders prior to
1946, many leaders felt that the assimilation pathway which the SFIO
had helped write into the constitution of the Fourth Republic did not
provide enough for the African colonies.
More globally, the issue of independence from colonial rule had become
a prominent topic throughout Africa and Asia. Many British and UN
Trusteeship colonies in Africa had begun the process towards
independence in the mid-1940s.
Ghana constantly served as an example
giving rise to demands by political movements in French West Africa
throughout the 1950s. During the same period, violent anti-colonial
struggles reached significant levels in many other French colonies:
Malagasy Uprising in Madagascar and violence in the
First Indochina War
First Indochina War in Vietnam.
Félix Houphouët-Boigny of
Ivory Coast was the political leader of
RDA for much of its existence
Senegalese Democratic Bloc
Popular Republican Movement
French Communist Party
African Regroupment Party
French Section of the Workers' International
Democratic and Socialist Union of the Resistance
Within the context of a realignment between France and the colonies,
one of the elected deputies pushing most significantly for increased
autonomy of the colonies was
Félix Houphouët-Boigny of the Ivory
Coast colony. Houphouët-Boigny had spent a brief period as a delegate
in the French National Assembly, where he had aligned most closely
French Communist Party
French Communist Party and had taken an active role in trying
to get the recall of André-Jean-Gaston Latrille, the French governor
of the Ivory Coast. Following the collapse of the National Assembly
elected in July 1946 and wanting to establish a pan-African party in
the National Assembly, Houphouët-Boigny convinced
Lamine Guèye of
Senegal (and the most prominent socialist in Africa at the time) to
work towards establishing a wider political movement with the goal of
autonomy for the colonies of Africa. These two leaders then brought
together many of the other African delegates in the National Assembly
to sign a manifesto calling for all leaders to come to
the capital of Mali) for a meeting to establish a regional political
party. In addition to Houphouët-Boigny and Guèye, the leaders who
signed this manifesto were:
Jean-Félix Tchicaya from French Congo,
Sourou-Migan Apithy from French Dahomey,
Fily Dabo Sissoko from French
Yacine Diallo from Guinea, and
Gabriel d'Arboussier from
Senegal. Although he did not sign it at the time of its composition,
Léopold Sédar Senghor
Léopold Sédar Senghor from
Senegal openly endorsed the contents of
The congress was held from 18 October 1946 until 21 October 1946.
However, the start of the conference was undermined as a result of
French Socialist opposition and conflict between some of the members.
The Communist party offered full support to the meeting, which only
led the other parties to approach the meeting with suspicion. Most
importantly the Socialist Minister of colonial affairs, Marius Moutet,
viewed the meeting as a threat to his colonial policies and thus
instructed his allies to not attend and for colonial authorities to do
what they could to hinder the meeting. Moutet convinced some of the
signatories of the document to renounce the manifesto and persuaded
Guèye, Senghor, and Diallo not to attend. In addition, the colonial
authorities confiscated Tchicaya's funds for travel. The result was
that the 800 delegates who did arrive included few socialist moderates
and instead was dominated by those who sought to align the party with
the communists. Reflecting on the way this shaped the party,
Houphouët-Boigny recalled in 1952 that "If Lamine and Senghor had
been at Bamako, we would have written another page of history."
The conference also got off to a rocky start as a result of the
different factions in the
French Sudan colony which was hosting the
conference. When Houphouët-Boigny, Apithy, and d'Arboussier arrived
on the morning of 18 October at the airport in
Bamako (in a plane
which was formerly the private plane of
Hermann Göring and was
provided by the communist party) they were greeted by a hostile
Sissoko, worried the party would give support to other French Sudanese
political leaders and weaken his leadership. Sissoko, as the host
of the conference, refused to open up the discussion. Eventually
pressure from within his own political party and from the leaders
assembled led him to agree to open the meeting at 4:00 PM (although he
insisted on calling it "your congress" and not "our congress"
throughout his opening speech).
The conference agreed to a few different issues. First, they agreed to
form a regional political alliance between many of their different
movements. Rather than a regional party which would have a significant
regional infrastructure, the members viewed it as an alliance between
the different political forces operating in each of the colonies. Thus
they created a Committee of Co-Ordination to be tasked with selecting
which party in each colony would be the representative of the RDA
party and named Houphouët-Boigny as chairman and Sissoko, Apithy,
Tchicaya, d'Arboussier, and
Mamadou Konate (the key Malian politician
who convinced Sissoko to join the meeting) as vice-chairmen.
Second, as the parties main activity would be in the National
Assembly, there were active discussions about what coalitions to form
with French political parties. The debate largely focused on whether
to form a permanent coalition with the Communist party or to align
with them while they served RDA interests. The group agreed to
compromise language that the party would form coalitions with
whichever party was most useful for African issues. Third, although it
was briefly mentioned, the conference agreed not to call for complete
independence of the colonies, but instead for an end to the unequal
colonial relationship with France. Although the party was to be
anti-colonial and focus on increased autonomy for the French colonies,
they were not advocating secession or withdrawal from France as an
Although they only had a month to organize for the French legislative
elections in November 1946, they were able to secure a number of seats
by using the political organizations established by the various
members. The National Assembly votes in France once again supported
the three party center-left coalition of the MRP (29% of the vote),
the PCF (28.6% of the vote) and the SFIO (16.5% of the vote). In
French West Africa
French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa, the RDA was able to
win 10 seats for the National Assembly: with members being
Houphouët-Boigny, Daniel Ouezzin Coulibaly, and
Zinda Kaboré from
Ivory Coast (which included the Upper Volta at this point), Apithy
Dahomey (present-day Benin), Tchicaya represented the
Middle Congo (present-day Republic of the Congo), Konate represented
Hamani Diori represented Niger, Gabriel Lisette
Martin Aku from Togo, and
Mamba Sano from Guinea.
The Socialists won six seats with continued support in
Guèye and Senghor were both elected to positions) and from other
longtime supporters like Sissoko and an associate from the French
Sudan, who had left the RDA right after the meeting, and Diallo from
Guinea. Because the second college of the National Assembly was
not directly elected, the Socialist party was able to use political
strategies to secure 12 of the 20 seats from West and Equatorial
Africa in the 1947 election (including making Moutet himself a
representative from the French Sudan).
When the RDA members arrived in Paris, they were provided significant
support and advice from the Communist party (and particularly Aimé
Césaire from Martinique) which relied significantly on their voting
block. This bond was further strengthened when the coalition
Popular Republican Movement politician Paul
Coste-Floret as the Ministre de la France d'Outre-mer governing the
colonies. Coste-Floret began an era of very rigid policy toward the
colonies and particularly towards movements perceived to be pushing
for independence. However, two changes served to exacerbate
divisions within the membership of the RDA. First, in May 1947 the
coalition between the MRP, the SFIO, and the Communists had
dissolved. This introduced significant differences between the
parties which had before been set aside and meant that the Communists
saw decreasing power to offer their RDA allies. Second, the French
divided the Upper Volta from the
Ivory Coast in order to try and
reduce the power of Houphouët-Boigny and the RDA. The plan
appeared to work when in 1948,
Zinda Kaboré was killed and the Mossi
chiefs in Upper Volta, who had renounced the RDA and connected with
the MRP, were able to appoint
Nazi Boni to fill the position.
These two factors combined to make many of the National Assembly
delegates, particularly those with large Catholic constituencies in
their colonies, feel uneasy about the coalition with the Communist
party. Apithy, from Dahomey, in particular raised the issue many times
and when his efforts to end the coalition failed, he formed a new
regional political party in September 1948, the Indépendants
d'Outre-Mer (IOM). The IOM included Apithy, the three new members
from the Upper Volta, and thee other members from throughout West and
Equatorial Africa. The formation of the IOM coincided precisely
with the naming of a new Prime Minister, Robert Schuman, to present
his cabinet in what would be a very close vote. During the debate on
this cabinet, Apithy presented Schuman with a number of questions
regarding the future of the colonial arrangement. When Schuman gave
the closing speech before a vote to confirm his cabinet, Apithy's
questions were the only ones which he did not address at all. Apithy
was infuriated by this perceived slight and so cast the whole seven
votes of the IOM (including those of the three absent Upper Volta
members) against the cabinet. Schuman lost by six votes and was
replaced by Radical Party politician Henri Queuille. Queille made
a point of meeting with Apithy before the presentation of his cabinet
and answered all of his questions in his first speech to the National
In 1948, the IOM increased its membership in the French National
Assembly by adding members from the RDA, the Socialist block, and MRP
politicians. However, the IOM also saw a change in leadership as
Apithy was replaced with
Louis-Paul Aujoulat as a result of
dissatisfaction by the Upper Volta members who wanted their votes cast
to support the MRP government of Schuman. These changes brought the
IOM closer to the MRP while the RDA remained tied to the Communist
party. The antagonisms between the French parties resulted in
antagonism between their African allies. The rise of the IOM meant
that the RDA no longer had party affiliates and any significant
Togo or French Dahomey, and weakened colony affiliates
elsewhere. At the same time that the IOM was increasing in
strength, the Socialist party in
Senegal saw a split between Guèye
and Senghor with the later creating a new party, the Senegalese
Democratic Bloc (French: Bloc Démocratique Sénégalais, BDS), which
he aligned with the IOM movement. This split made the alignment of
parties in the National Assembly much more complex and allowed options
for new groupings between the different factions.
By 1948, the RDA had active parties as a primary faction in six of the
colonies of French Africa: Ivory Coast, Middle Congo, Ubangi-Shari,
Chad, Guinea, and in French Sudan. At the same time, it was actively
suppressed in Upper Volta and
French Sudan by the opposition
In response to these shifting political environments, the RDA held its
second party congress in January 1949 in Treichville, Ivory Coast. The
congress appointed Houphouët-Boigny as the President of the party and
named d'Arboussier as the General Secretary. The main issue for debate
was the alliance with the Communists in France with d'Arboussier
arguing that the alliance was necessary but a number of other members
questioning the alliance. However the issue was not resolved at the
second party congress.
Chaos in the Ivory Coast: 1949
Unlike other parts of the French empire (notably Madagascar and
Indochina), independence movements in French Africa had remained
largely peaceful. This changed in 1949 when French authorities used
divisions between Houphouët-Boigny and other politicians to begin
active and violent suppression of the RDA in the colony.
The catalyst for the chaos was the removal of
Étienne Djaument by
Houphouët-Boigny from the RDA in early 1949. Djaument responded by
forming a rival party, the Bloc Démocratique Eburnén. At the first
meeting of this rival congress, supporters of Houphouët-Boigny
responded with protests or rioting and in the resulting clash one
person was killed and a number were injured. The French
authorities, and the French colonists in the colony, used this
opportunity to foment general unrest between the RDA party and its
opponents and then use the unrest to justify arrest of RDA members and
violent suppression of party activities. This pattern of partisan
outbursts, French violence against RDA supporters at these incidents,
and then mass arrests of RDA supporters continued throughout 1949 and
into early 1950. Although an arrest warrant was issued for
Houphouët-Boigny, he was able to use immunity as a member of the
National Assembly to avoid arrest. In December 1949, the RDA and its
supporters began a general strike involving many different groups of
workers, a boycott of European goods sold in the country, and a hunger
strike in the prisons. The tension came to a head on 28 January
1950 when Victor Biaka Boda, an RDA member of the National Assembly,
disappeared in the Ivory Coast. Upset by this event, the RDA held a
Dimbokro which resulted in a French army shooting of 13
Ivorian civilians. The next day (February 1), the French declared all
RDA meetings illegal throughout all of French West Africa. The end
result of the year of violence was over 50 dead and 3000 RDA partisans
Although RDA members of the National Assembly stopped going to
sessions because they were largely ignored, following the French Army
shooting in Dimbokro, Senghor led much of the African membership to
demand an inquiry into the incident. The French government
secretly informed RDA politicians in March that it had no intentions
of implementing the 1 February decree banning all activities by the
RDA and gradually the tension relaxed.
Break with the Communists (1950–55)
François Mitterrand in 1959 was a major figure facilitating the RDA's
relationship with the UDSR
Following the end to the chaos in the Ivory Coast, Houphouët-Boigny
began to see the alliance with the Communist party in France as
counterproductive to his larger goals. He began meetings
simultaneously with both the IOM legislators and the radical wing of
the RDA, led by d'Arboussier who he convinced to resign his position
in the party. On 9 August 1950, the RDA and the IOM entered into a
secret accord aiming to bring together the two groups in the French
National Assembly, based primarily on the RDA ending their coalition
with the Communist party. In domestic politics in the colonies, it was
decided that the IOM and the RDA would largely retain power in the
colonies which they controlled and thus prevent political
conflict. The IOM was to be the main political party of the union
in Guinea, Dahomey, Togo,
Senegal (as Senghor had now joined the IOM),
Upper Volta, Cameroon, and
Ubangi-Shari while the RDA would be the
representative of the alliance in French Sudan, Ivory Coast, Chad, and
the Middle Congo. As both had a member of the National Assembly from
Niger, the agreement was to keep that colony split. After this
rapprochement between the two parties, the RDA broke with the
Communist party and in December 1950 voted for the government of René
Pleven. This would begin a long relationship between Pleven's
Democratic and Socialist Union of the Resistance (French:
Union démocratique et socialiste de la Résistance, UDSR), and
particularly with the young politician François Mitterrand, and the
Although Mitterrand tried to change French policy toward the RDA, the
colonial administration was still focused primarily on removing the
RDA from any power it had remaining. In preparation for the 1951
French elections, RDA supporters were removed from voter rolls by
French authorities, areas with high RDA support experienced a number
of voting problems, and members were arrested and intimidated from
political activity. All this resulted in a significant loss to the RDA
throughout Africa and only Houphouët-Boigny, Konate, and Tchicaya
were National Assembly members from the RDA following the
election. In the same election, the IOM gained most
consistently becoming the largest political party in Africa.
Although electoral results showed significant support of the IOM over
the RDA, the IOM remained largely a legislative coalition in Paris
with limited support as a regional party in Africa. The RDA, in
contrast, continued its efforts to build broad political bases and
build the national RDA parties throughout Africa.
The result of these efforts was that the RDA saw increasing power from
1951 until 1955. This was most punctuated with the rise in
Sékou Touré to political prominence as the head of the Democratic
Guinea French: Parti Démocratique de Guinée. As a union
organizer, Touré had significant ties with the Communists throughout
French West Africa
French West Africa and thus connected quickly with the
Communist-affiliated members of the RDA. His importance to the RDA's
wider objectives was so large that he was named the head of the RDA
coalition in the National Assembly in 1953. In the 1955 meeting of
the Coordinating Council the party similarly consolidated around the
new party identity. First, they decided that Ruben Um Nyobé's Union
of the Peoples of
Cameroon (UPC) was no longer affiliated with the RDA
because of its radical positions against the French state. Second, it
settled a dispute in
Niger with multiple parties claiming to be the
RDA affiliate: supporting Hamani Diori's party over that of Djibo
Bakary. The party building activities set the RDA up to perform
well in the upcoming election.
Return to power and dissolution: 1956–58
Without the active suppression of earlier elections and the end of the
temporary IOM-RDA rapprochement, the RDA became the largest party from
the African colonies earning nine seats in the French legislative
elections of 1956 (from only having 3 in the period of 1951-1955). The
IOM saw the largest losses going from having fourteen deputies to only
seven. The remaining seats saw six deputies go to persons allied with
the Gaullist Party, four deputies allied with the Socialist party, and
two who affiliated with Catholic conservatives (Apithy and Barthélemy
Boganda). The RDA legislators were now more than half of the total
membership of the UDSR party, which actually resulted in the party
changing its name to the UDSR-RDA during this period. Because of this,
when the IOM tried once again to form an alliance with the RDA, they
were rebuffed because the RDA had a solid alliance with significant
power and the IOM wanted to remain with the MRP. In addition, because
of the important role of the RDA within the UDSR, Houphouët-Boigny
was able to become a Minister within the French cabinet, the first
French West Africa
French West Africa or
French Equatorial Africa
French Equatorial Africa to
achieve this. Further empowering the RDA during this time was a
shift in the French colonial administration not wanting to see
additional colonial violence like had been experienced in Madagascar,
Indochina, and Algeria.
During this time, the French political parties passed the Loi Cadre
which significantly reformed the relationship between France and the
colonies by granting expanded power to Territorial Assemblies in each
colony. Because the reform did not go far enough in expanding
self-rule to the colonies, the African legislators largely opposed it.
The Socialists were the only political faction to vote for the law and
although Houphouët-Boigny was required to vote for it because of his
ministerial post, he organized to have the RDA vote against the
legislation. Despite this opposition, the legislation passed and
Territorial Assembly elections were held in March 1957. For these
elections, the IOM had reformed itself into the African Convention
(French: Convention Africaine), in order to try to have a larger
domestic base. The only other regional party of significance for these
elections was a newly focused set of Socialist politicians.
In the 1957 Territorial Assembly elections, the RDA gained clear
majorities in Guinea, Chad, the Ivory Coast, and, under the new
leadership of Modibo Keïta, the French Sudan. Of the 474 seats up for
election, 236 went to RDA politicians (49.79%), 62 went to the
Socialists, 58 went to the African Convention, and the rest were split
between national parties without regional influence in Mauritania and
From this position of power, Houphouët-Boigny called for a Third
Party Congress to bring together all the members. The last party
congress had been in 1949 and, despite calls for an open congress from
the Communist wing of the RDA for years, it had been resisted by the
party leadership. The main debate at the congress focused on the issue
of federalism and the relationship with France for the future.
Houphouët-Boigny, who saw the Congress as an opportunity to show off
political power to his French guests (including Mitterrand) in
attendance, argued that the colonies should enter into a federal
relationship with France remaining the center of political life.
Touré and Keïta, the younger RDA leaders, in contrast pushed for an
independent African federation. The situation led to many embarrassing
political votes for Houphouët-Boigny and eventually the adoption of a
compromise position that the party would commit itself to working for
democratization of any federal arrangements which existed.
When many of the other parties in West and Equatorial Africa proposed
another attempt at rapprochement between the parties, the RDA
responded with little enthusiasm. This eventually led to the creation
African Regroupment Party (French: Parti du Regroupement
Africain, PRA) which would serve as a rival to the RDA between the
various other parties: including bringing together the African
Convention and the Socialists. By mid-1958, French Africa along the
Atlantic had developed largely a two-party system.
With the dissolution of the French Fourth Republic, the RDA became a
key party shaping the colonial relationship that would exist in the
next French state. DeGaulle appointed Houphouët-Boigny to assist in
developing the specific laws for the new constitution which would
govern the colonies. Houphouët-Boigny pushed for a strong federation
linking France with the colonies, while the PRA, led by Senghor,
pushed for a looser confederation arrangement. In a meeting on 18 July
1958, the PRA and RDA agreed that the eventual arrangement must
include the right to self-determination for the colonies. 
This resulted in a law which would give each colony the right to vote
to join a newly organized
French Community which would keep the
colonies linked to France but also provide some degree of self-rule,
or to declare independence immediately. The RDA was divided on this
position. The leaders with the most linkages to the trade-unions,
mainly Touré in Guinea, generally believed that it was best for the
French colonies to declare independence immediately. Houphouët-Boigny
and others, instead, pushed for joining the
French Community and
remaining very close with France. In addition, the Ivory Coast, as the
wealthiest colony in French West Africa, opposed the proposal from
Keïta that the colonies should become independent together as an
African federation. Mortimer claims that the key person holding the
party together and working towards a compromise had been Daniel
Ouezzin Coulibaly who died suddenly on 7 September, thus sealing the
fate of the party.
The result was that the RDA, as a regional party, essentially ended
with the independence vote in 1958.
Guinea was the only country to
vote for independence, incurring the immediate wrath of DeGaulle and
Houphouët-Boigny who cut off aid to the colony and the French removed
all personnel and equipment that was in the colony. Ivory
Coast voted for the
French Community and Houphouët-Boigny became a
leader of the Conseil de l'Entente, a block of countries including the
Ivory Coast, Niger, Upper Volta, and
Dahomey which worked to maintain
connections to France while becoming independent. French Sudan
initially joined a brief federation with
Senegal called the Mali
Federation, bringing RDA leader Keïta and PRA leader Senghor
together. However, this broke apart and the
French Sudan (now the
independent country called Mali) instead joined an informal grouping
Guinea called the
Union of African States
Union of African States which pushed
for pan-African alternatives to Senghor's socialism and the Conseil de
l'Entente continued linkages with France. Although the name
Rassemblement Démocratique Africain
Rassemblement Démocratique Africain and identification with this
regional grouping remained in many of the local parties, the RDA as a
regional party would never form again after the vote of 1958.
National RDA parties
The following were parties which were directly members of the regional
RDA at some point. Some of the parties directly integrated RDA into
their names, and these names remained even after the regional
French West Africa
Democratic Party of Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI)
Dahomey (currently Benin)
Dahomeyan Progressive Union
Dahomeyan Progressive Union (UPD) (1946-September 1948)
Dahomeyan Democratic Union
Dahomeyan Democratic Union (UDD) and the Dahomeyan Democratic
Rally (RDD) claimed to be the RDA affiliate after the mid-1950s.
French Sudan (currently Mali)
Progressive Sudanese Party
Progressive Sudanese Party (PSP) (only a member at 1946 party
Sudanese Union-African Democratic Rally (US/RDA) (after November 1946)
Democratic Party of Guinea
No major RDA affiliated party
Nigerien Progressive Party
Nigerien Progressive Party (leadership change in 1951)
Senegalese Democratic Union
Senegalese Democratic Union (1946–51)
Senegalese Popular Movement
Senegalese Popular Movement (after 1951)
Upper Volta (currently Burkino Faso)
Voltaic Democratic Union-African Democratic Rally
French Togoland (currently Togo)
No major RDA affiliated party
French Equatorial Africa
Chadian Progressive Party (PPT)
Oubangui-Chari (currently Central African Republic)
French Congo (currently The Republic of Congo)
Congolese Progressive Party (PPC) (1946–57)
Democratic Union for Defense of African Interests (UDDIA) (after 1957)
Gabonese Mixed Committee
Gabonese Mixed Committee (CMG)
French Cameroon (currently part of Cameroon)
Union of the Peoples of Cameroon
Union of the Peoples of Cameroon (1946–50)
Coalitions with political parties
The RDA maintained ties with a number of parties in France and in West
Africa. Brief rapprochements with African parties never formed into
solid coalitions, but the relationships with some French political
parties lasted for many years. These included formal coalitions, brief
partnerships, and loose affiliations. In addition, a number of parties
opposed the RDA and worked against the party.
Party affiliations of the RDA
^ a b Crowder & O'Brien 1973, p. 673.
^ a b c Irele & Jeyifo 2010, p. 275.
^ Crowder & O'Brien 1973, pp. 672-674.
^ a b Fage 1969, p. 207.
^ a b c Mortimer 1969, p. 105.
^ Crowder & O'Brien 1973, p. 672.
^ Mortimer 1969, pp. 105-106.
^ Crowder & O'Brien 1973, p. 675.
^ a b Mortimer 1969, pp. 107-108.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 110.
^ a b Morgenthau & Behrman 1984, p. 626.
^ Hörber 2007, p. 38.
^ Mortimer 1969, pp. 111-112.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 117.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 118.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 119.
^ a b Crowder & O'Brien 1973, p. 676.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 121.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 129.
^ a b Mortimer 1969, p. 130.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 131.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 138.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 132.
^ Mortimer 1969, pp. 138-142.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 144.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 146.
^ a b Hargreaves 1996, p. 153.
^ Mortimer 1969, pp. 146-147.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 148.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 152.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 153.
^ a b Mortimer 1969, p. 155.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 157.
^ Mortimer 1969, pp. 166-172.
^ Crowder & O'Brien 1973, p. 680.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 172.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 198.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 200.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 223.
^ Mortimer 1969, pp. 227-229.
^ Mortimer 1969, pp. 249-250.
^ a b Appiah & Gates 2010, p. 318.
^ Mortimer 1969, pp. 248.
^ Mortimer 1969, pp. 262-263.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 271-278.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 295.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 305.
^ Mortimer 1969, pp. 317-320.
^ Gailey Jr. 1989, p. 13.
^ Morgenthau & Behrman 1984, p. 627.
^ Mortimer 1969, p. 320.
^ Washington Post 1959, p. A16.
^ Mortimer 1969, pp. 320-325.
^ Mazrui & Wondji 1999, pp. 176-180, 210.
^ a b Mortimer 1969.
^ Gailey Jr. 1989.
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