HOME
The Info List - 1982 Lebanon War


--- Advertisement ---



 Israel Lebanese Front

Phalange al-Tanzim

South Lebanon
Lebanon
Army

PLO Syria Jammoul Hezbollah Amal

Others

Al-Mourabitoun Islamic Amal ASALA Al-Tawhid PKK[1][2][3]

Commanders and leaders

Israel: Menachem Begin (Prime Minister) Ariel Sharon (Ministry of Defence) Rafael Eitan (Army Chief of Staff) David Ivry (Israeli Air Force) Ze'ev Almog (Israeli Sea Corps)

Phalange: Bachir Gemayel † Fadi Frem Elie Hobeika

Al-Tanzim: Fawzi Mahfuz

SLA: Saad Haddad

PLO: Yasser Arafat (Chairman of the PLO)

Syria: Hafez al-Assad (President) Mustafa Tlass (Minister of Defense)

LCP: George Hawi Elias Atallah

Hezbollah: Abbas al-Musawi

Al-Mourabitoun: Ibrahim Kulaylat

Amal: Nabih Berri

ASALA: Monte Melkonian

PKK: Mahsum Korkmaz

Others: Muhsin Ibrahim Abbas al-Musawi Ragheb Harb Murat Karayılan Inaam Raad Said Shaaban

Strength

Israel: 78,000 troops 800 tanks 1,500 APCs 634 aircraft LF: 30,000 troops SLA: 5,000 troops 97 tanks Syria: 22,000 troops 352 tanks 300 APCs 450 aircraft 300 artillery pieces 100 anti-aircraft guns 125 SAM batteries PLO: 15,000 troops 80 tanks 150 APCs 350+ artillery pieces 250+ anti-aircraft guns

Casualties and losses

Israel: 657 dead 3,887 wounded[11] 4 missing 8 captured 30 tanks lost 100 tanks damaged 175 APCs destroyed or damaged[12] 1 aircraft lost 2 helicopters lost PLO: See Casualties below.[13] 6,000 captured[14] Syria See Casualties below 296 captured 300–350 tanks lost 150 APCs lost ~100 artillery pieces lost 82–86 aircraft lost 12 helicopters lost 29 SAM missile batteries lost[12]

Civilians: See Casualties below.

v t e

1982 Lebanon
Lebanon
War

Beaufort Jezzine Mole Cricket 19 Sultan Yacoub Beirut Sabra and Shatila Tyre (1982) Tyre (1983)

v t e

Israeli–Lebanese conflict

Timeline

Rocket attacks on Israel Incursions into Lebanon

Conflicts

1948–49 War Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon

1978 South Lebanon
Lebanon
conflict 1982–85 War

1985–2000 conflict 2000–06 Shebaa Farms 2006 War 2010 Kfar Kila 2013 Hanikra 2015 Sheeba Farms

v t e

Lebanese Civil War

First phase 1975–1977

Bus massacre Hotels Black Saturday Karantina Damour Tel al-Zaatar

Second phase 1977–1982

Hundred Days' War Litani Ehden Safra Zahleh Israeli bombing

Third phase 1982–1983

1982 Lebanon
Lebanon
War Sabra and Shatila U.S. Embassy bombing Barracks bombings Mountain War

Fourth phase 1984–1990

U.S. embassy annex bombing War of the Camps Beirut
Beirut
bombing (1985) LF coup October 13 massacre

The 1982 Lebanon
Lebanon
War, dubbed Operation Peace for Galilee (Hebrew: מבצע שלום הגליל, or מבצע של"ג‎ Mivtsa Shlom HaGalil or Mivtsa Sheleg) by the Israeli government, later known in Israel
Israel
as the Lebanon
Lebanon
War or the First Lebanon
Lebanon
War (Hebrew: מלחמת לבנון הראשונה‎, Milhemet Levanon Harishona), and known in Lebanon
Lebanon
as "the invasion" (Arabic: الاجتياح‎, Al-ijtiyāḥ), began on 6 June 1982, when the Israel
Israel
Defense Forces (IDF) invaded southern Lebanon, after repeated attacks and counter-attacks between the Palestine Liberation Organization
Palestine Liberation Organization
(PLO) operating in southern Lebanon
Lebanon
and the IDF that had caused civilian casualties on both sides of the border.[15][16][17] The military operation was launched after gunmen from Abu Nidal's organization attempted to assassinate Shlomo Argov, Israel's ambassador to the United Kingdom. Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin
Menachem Begin
blamed Abu Nidal's enemy, the PLO, for the incident,[18][19] and treated the incident as a casus belli for the invasion.[20][21][i] After attacking the PLO
PLO
– as well as Syrian, leftist, and Muslim Lebanese forces – the Israeli military, in cooperation with the Maronite
Maronite
allies and the self-proclaimed Free Lebanon
Lebanon
State, occupied southern Lebanon, eventually surrounding the PLO
PLO
and elements of the Syrian Army. Surrounded in West Beirut
Beirut
and subjected to heavy bombardment, the PLO
PLO
forces and their allies negotiated passage from Lebanon
Lebanon
with the aid of United States
United States
Special Envoy
Special Envoy
Philip Habib
Philip Habib
and the protection of international peacekeepers. The PLO, under the chairmanship of Yasser Arafat, had relocated its headquarters to Tripoli in June 1982. By expelling the PLO, removing Syrian influence over Lebanon, and installing a pro-Israeli Christian government led by President Bachir Gemayel, Israel
Israel
hoped to sign a treaty which Menachem Begin promised would give Israel
Israel
"forty years of peace".[22] Following the assassination of Gemayel in September 1982, Israel's position in Beirut
Beirut
became untenable and the signing of a peace treaty became increasingly unlikely. Outrage following Israel's role in the Phalangist-perpetrated Sabra and Shatila massacre, of mostly Palestinians and Lebanese Shiites, and Israeli popular disillusionment with the war would lead to a gradual withdrawal from Beirut
Beirut
to the areas claimed by the self-proclaimed Free Lebanon
Lebanon
State in southern Lebanon
Lebanon
(later to become the South Lebanon
Lebanon
security belt), which was initiated following the 17 May Agreement and Syria's change of attitude towards the PLO. After Israeli forces withdrew from most of Lebanon, the War of the Camps broke out between Lebanese factions, the remains of the PLO
PLO
and Syria, in which Syria
Syria
fought its former Palestinian allies. At the same time, Shi'a militant groups began consolidating and waging a low-intensity guerrilla war over the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon, leading to 15 years of low-scale armed conflict. The Lebanese Civil War
Lebanese Civil War
would continue until 1990, at which point Syria
Syria
had established complete dominance over Lebanon.[23]

Contents

1 Background

1.1 Relocation of PLO
PLO
from Jordan
Jordan
to South Lebanon 1.2 Lebanese Civil War

1.2.1 Incidents 1975–1980 1.2.2 1981 events and cease-fire 1.2.3 Immediate causes

2 Timeline

2.1 Invasion 2.2 Advance on Beirut 2.3 Battles of the Beirut- Damascus
Damascus
highway 2.4 Siege of Beirut 2.5 Further conflict and Israeli withdrawal

3 Military analysis 4 Final accords 5 Opposing forces

5.1 Israel 5.2 Syria 5.3 Lebanon

5.3.1 Armed Forces 5.3.2 Security forces

5.4 Palestinians

5.4.1 PLO 5.4.2 Non- PLO
PLO
Palestinian groups

5.5 Paramilitary forces

5.5.1 Right wing 5.5.2 Left wing 5.5.3 Religious

5.5.3.1 Christian 5.5.3.2 Muslim

5.6 UNIFIL

6 Outcome of the war

6.1 Casualties

6.1.1 Lebanese, Palestinian, and Syrian casualties 6.1.2 Israeli casualties

6.2 Security buffer zone and Syrian occupation 6.3 Relocation of PLO 6.4 Political results for Israel 6.5 Political outcome for Lebanon 6.6 Cold War perspective 6.7 Long-term consequences 6.8 Other consequences

7 Investigation into violation of international law 8 In cinema 9 Footnotes 10 See also 11 Notes 12 References 13 Further reading 14 External links

Background Relocation of PLO
PLO
from Jordan
Jordan
to South Lebanon Main articles: Black September in Jordan
Black September in Jordan
and Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon After the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, Lebanon
Lebanon
became home to more than 110,000 Palestinian refugees, after their settlements in Palestine and Israel
Israel
had been depopulated as a result of the war.[24] After its founding in 1964 and the radicalization among Palestinians, which followed the Six Day War, the PLO
PLO
became a powerful force, then centred in Jordan. The large influx of Palestinians from Jordan
Jordan
after "Black September" caused an additional demographic imbalance within Lebanese society and its democratic institutions established earlier by the National Pact.[25] By 1975, the refugees numbered more than 300,000 and the PLO
PLO
in effect created an unofficial state-within-a-state, particularly in Southern Lebanon, which then played an important role in the Lebanese Civil War. Continual violence near the Lebanese border occurred between Israel and the PLO
PLO
starting from 1968; this peaked, following the relocation of PLO
PLO
bases to Lebanon
Lebanon
after the civil war in Jordan. Lebanese Civil War Main article: Lebanese Civil War Incidents 1975–1980 The violence between Israel
Israel
and the PLO
PLO
peaked during Operation Litani in 1978, provoked by the Coastal Road Massacre
Coastal Road Massacre
which was carried out by Palestinian militants. The United Nations
United Nations
Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) was created after the incursion, following the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 425
United Nations Security Council Resolution 425
in March 1978 to confirm Israeli withdrawal from Southern Lebanon, restore international peace and security, and help the government of Lebanon restore its effective authority in the area.[26] As early as 1976, Israel
Israel
had been assisting Lebanese Christian militias in their sporadic battles against the PLO.[27] During Operation Litani
Operation Litani
in 1978, Israel
Israel
established a security zone in southern Lebanon
Lebanon
with mostly Christian inhabitants, in which they began to supply training and arms to Christian militias which would later form the South Lebanese Army.[28] But Israel's main partner was to be the Maronite
Maronite
Phalange
Phalange
party, whose paramilitary was led by Bashir Gemayel, a rising figure in Lebanese politics.[28] Gemayel's strategy during the early stages of the Lebanese Civil War
Lebanese Civil War
was to provoke the Syrians into retaliatory attacks on Christians, such that Israel
Israel
could not ignore. In 1978, Menachem Begin
Menachem Begin
declared that Israel would not allow a genocide of Lebanese Christians, while refusing direct intervention.[29] Hundreds of Lebanese militiamen began to train in Israel, at the IDF Staff and Command College. The relationship between Israel
Israel
and the Maronites
Maronites
began to grow into a political-strategic alliance, and members of the Israeli government like Ariel Sharon
Ariel Sharon
began to conceive of a plan to install a pro-Israel Christian government in Lebanon, as it was known that Bashir wanted to remove the PLO
PLO
and all Palestinian refugees
Palestinian refugees
in the country.[30] During the period June to December 1980 the United Nations
United Nations
Interim Force in Lebanon
Lebanon
(UNIFIL) recorded an increase in activities along the border zone. No attacks by Palestinian forces on Israel
Israel
were recorded, while the IDF incursions across the armistice line into Lebanon increased markedly, with minefields being laid, gun posts established, and generally involving numerous violations of Lebanese air-space and territorial waters. This was formally protested by the Lebanese government to the UN Security Council
Security Council
and General Assembly in several communications as violations by Israel
Israel
of United Nations
United Nations
Security Council Resolution 425. During the same period Israel
Israel
protested numerous attacks by Palestinian forces, unrelated to the Lebanese border zone.[31] 1981 events and cease-fire In his report for the period of 12 December 1980 to 12 June 1981 on UNIFIL activities, the Security Council
Security Council
Secretary General noted that infiltrations into the border zone by Palestinian armed forces had decreased relative to the previous six months.[32] In contrast the IDF had launched various attacks on Lebanese territory often in support of the Lebanese Christian militia. In doing so Israel
Israel
had violated UN Security Council
Security Council
resolution 425 on hundreds of occasions [paragraph 58]. Where the initiator(s) of attacks could be identified in the report, in 15 cases Palestinian militants were to blame while on 23 occasions the Militia and/or the IDF were the instigators, the latter also being responsible for the most violent confrontation of the period on 27 April [paragraph 52]. In the subsequent period 16 June to 10 December 1981,[33] a relative quiet was reported continuing from 29 May 1981 until 10 July. This was broken when "Israeli aircraft resumed strikes against targets in southern Lebanon
Lebanon
north of the UNIFIL area. (The Israeli strikes) led to exchanges of heavy firing between armed elements (Palestinians), on the one hand, and IDF and the de facto forces (Christian Militia) on the other. On 13 and 14 July, widespread Israeli air-strikes continued. Armed elements (Palestinians) fired into the enclave and northern Israel." Israeli-initiated attacks had led to rocket and artillery fire on northern Israel. This pattern continued in the coming days. Israel
Israel
renewed its air strikes in an attempt to trigger a war that would allow it to drive out the PLO
PLO
and restore peace to the region.[34] On 17 July, the Israel
Israel
Air Force launched a massive attack on PLO
PLO
buildings in downtown Beirut. "Perhaps as many as three hundred died, and eight hundred were wounded, the great majority of them civilians."[35] The Israeli army also heavily targeted PLO
PLO
positions in south Lebanon
Lebanon
without success in suppressing Palestinian rocket launchers and guns. As a result, thousands of Israeli citizens who resided near the Lebanese border headed south. There patterns of Israeli-initiated airstrikes and Palestinian retaliations with attacks on northern Israel
Israel
are in contrast with the official Israeli version "A ceasefire declared in July 1981 was broken: the terrorists continued to carry out attacks against Israeli targets in Israel
Israel
and abroad, and the threat to the northern settlements became unbearable."[36] On 24 July 1981, United States
United States
Undersecretary of State Philip Habib brokered a ceasefire badly needed by both parties,[33] the best achievable result from negotiations via intermediaries, aimed at complying with the decisions of UN Security Council
Security Council
resolution 490. The process was complicated, requiring

shuttle diplomacy between Damascus, Jerusalem, and Beirut, United States. Philip Habib
Philip Habib
concluded a ceasefire across the Lebanon
Lebanon
border between Israel
Israel
and the PLO. Habib could not talk to the PLO
PLO
directly because of Kissinger's directive, so he used a Saudi member of the royal family as mediator. The agreement was oral – nothing could be written down since Israel
Israel
and the PLO
PLO
did not recognize each other and refused to negotiate with each other – but they came up with a truce. ... Thus the border between Lebanon
Lebanon
and Israel
Israel
suddenly stabilized after over a decade of routine bombing.[37]

Between July 1981 and June 1982, as a result of the Habib ceasefire, the Lebanese-Israeli border "enjoyed a state of calm unprecedented since 1968."[23] But the 'calm' was tense. US Secretary of State, Alexander Haig
Alexander Haig
filed a report with US President Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan
on Saturday 30 January 1982 that revealed Secretary Haig's fear that Israel
Israel
might, at the slightest provocation, start a war against Lebanon.[38] The 'calm' lasted nine months. Then, on 21 April 1982, after a landmine killed an Israeli officer while he was visiting a South Lebanese Army
Lebanese Army
gun emplacement in Taibe, Lebanon, the Israeli Air Force attacked the Palestinian-controlled coastal town of Damour, killing 23 people.[39] Fisk reports further on this incident: "The Israelis did not say what the soldier was doing ... I discovered that he was visiting one of Haddad's artillery positions (Christian militia) and that the mine could have been lain [sic] as long ago as 1978, perhaps even by the Israelis themselves". On 9 May 1982, Israeli aircraft again attacked targets in Lebanon. Later that same day, UNIFIL observed the firing of rockets from Palestinian positions in the Tyre region into northern Israel, but none of the projectiles hit Israeli towns[40] – the gunners had been ordered to miss.[35] Major-General Erskine (Ghana), Chief of Staff of UNTSO reported to the Secretary-General and the Security Council (S/14789, S/15194) that from August 1981 to May 1982, inclusive, there were 2096 violations of Lebanese airspace and 652 violations of Lebanese territorial waters.[41][42] The freedom of movement of UNIFIL personnel and UNTSO observers within the enclave remained restricted due to the actions of Amal and the South Lebanon
Lebanon
Army under Major Saad Haddad's leadership with the backing of Israeli military forces.[42] Prior to establishing ceasefire in July 1981, U.N. Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim
Kurt Waldheim
noted: "After several weeks of relative quiet in the area, a new cycle of violence has begun and has, in the past week, steadily intensified." He further stated: "There have been heavy civilian casualties in Lebanon; there have been civilian casualties in Israel
Israel
as well. I deeply deplore the extensive human suffering caused by these developments." The President of the U.N. Security Council, Ide Oumarou of Niger, expressed "deep concern at the extent of the loss of life and the scale of the destruction caused by the deplorable events that have been taking place for several days in Lebanon".[43][44] Immediate causes From the ceasefire, established in July 1981, until the start of the war, the Israeli government reported 270 terrorist attacks by the PLO in Israel, the occupied territories, and the Jordanian and Lebanese border (in addition to 20 attacks on Israeli interests abroad).[45] In Ariel Sharon's biography by his son, Gilad Sharon, the author referring to the Habib ceasefire, comments: "However, the agreement was explicit only regarding preventing terror from Lebanon, which is why my father encouraged the cabinet not to accept the offer as presented by the Americans."[46]

The cease-fire, as both the PLO
PLO
and the Americans saw it, did not include terror attacks stemming from Lebanon
Lebanon
and carried out against Jews in Europe and other locales. In a meeting my father had with Alexander Haig
Alexander Haig
and Philip Habib
Philip Habib
on May 25, 1982, Habib repeated what he had already said many times before: "Terrorist attacks against Israelis and Jews in Europe are not included in the cease-fire agreement."

Arafat pressured the radical factions to maintain the ceasefire because he did not wish to provoke the Israelis into an all-out attack. The PLO
PLO
acceptance of the ceasefire had led to dissension even within Fatah
Fatah
itself. A faction sympathetic to Abu Nidal
Abu Nidal
forced a military confrontation, with accompanying arrests and executions — an event unprecedented in PLO
PLO
internal disputes’. Arafat even attempted to distance himself from Palestinian unrest on the West Bank to prevent an Israeli attack. In contrast, Begin, Sharon and Eitan were searching for any excuse to neutralize their military opponents through a breach of the ceasefire. They believed that Arafat was buying time to build up his conventional forces. The Israeli interpretation of the conditions for the ceasefire placed responsibility for any act of Palestinian violence on Arafat’s shoulders. It presumed that Arafat had complete control, not only over all factions within the PLO
PLO
such as the rejectionist Popular Front of George Habash, but also over those outside such as Abu Nidal’s Fatah
Fatah
Revolutionary Council and Ahmed Jibril's Popular Front — General Command. Moreover, in Begin’s eyes, the ceasefire was not geographically limited to the Lebanese border. He argued that if Palestinian terrorism struck internationally, then this too would be regarded as a breach of the ceasefire. Begin thus took a stand-off in a local battle as applying to the entire war anywhere in the Middle East or any incident internationally. Eitan commented that there was no difference if a terrorist threw a grenade in Gaza or fired a shell at a Northern settlement — all such acts broke the ceasefire. Sharon similarly did not wish to draw distinctions between different Palestinian factions, since all blame had to be attached to the PLO. He dismissed attempts at more rational evaluation as masking the real issue. In a speech to a Young Herut conference in April 1982, he accused those who tried to take a more objective standpoint of erecting 'a protective wall around the PLO
PLO
inside and outside Israel'.[47] Further support comes from George Ball, that the PLO
PLO
had observed the ceasefire.[48] Israel, he said, continued looking for the "internationally recognized provocation" that Secretary of State Alexander Haig
Alexander Haig
said would be necessary to obtain American support for an Israeli invasion of Lebanon.[49] Secretary Haig's critics have accused him of "greenlighting" the Israeli Invasion of Lebanon
Lebanon
in June 1982.[50] Haig denies this and says he urged restraint.[51] In the biography of ceasefire broker Philip Habib, Alexander Haig
Alexander Haig
is cited as leaving the worst impression of all in the lead up to Israel's Lebanon invasion:

Haig thus comes off very badly: not a team player, not able to keep the rest of the administration informed of what was going on beforehand, not willing to tell anyone in the White House why Sharon was so confident during the invasion, hoping that Reagan's special envoy would fail in his mission, and having little sense of what the national security of the United States
United States
required—which was not a confrontation between Israeli and Soviet tanks on the road from Beirut to Damascus.[52]

The American reaction was that they would not apply any undue pressure on Israel
Israel
to quit Lebanon
Lebanon
as the Israeli presence in Lebanon
Lebanon
may prove to be a catalyst for the disparate groups of Lebanon
Lebanon
to make common cause against both Syrian and Israeli forces. Haig's analysis, which Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan
agreed with, was that this uniting of Lebanese groups would allow President Elias Sarkis
Elias Sarkis
to reform the Lebanese central Government and give the Palestinian refugees
Palestinian refugees
Lebanese citizenship.[53] Additional evidence that the United States
United States
approved the Israeli invasion comes from longtime CIA analyst Charles Cogan, who says that he was in the room during a May 1982 meeting in The Pentagon
The Pentagon
during which Sharon explained to Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger
Caspar Weinberger
"in great detail how the Israelis were going to invade Lebanon ... Weinberger just sat there and said nothing."[54] According to Avi Shlaim, the real driving force behind the Israeli invasion to Lebanon
Lebanon
was the defense minister Ariel Sharon. One of his aims was the destruction of PLO
PLO
military infrastructure in Lebanon
Lebanon
and undermining it as a political organization, in order to facilitate the absorption of the West Bank by Israel. The second aim was the establishment of the Maronite
Maronite
government in Lebanon, headed by Bashir Gemayel and signing the peace treaty between two countries, the third aim was the expelling of the Syrian Army
Syrian Army
from Lebanon. Also, according to Shlaim, with the completion of Israeli withdrawals from Sinai in March 1982, under the terms of the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty, the Likud-led government of Israel
Israel
hardened its attitude to the Arab world and became more aggressive.[55] According to Zeev Maoz in Defending the Holy Land: A Critical Analysis of Israel’s National Security and Foreign Policy the goals of the war were primarily developed by then Minister of Defense Ariel Sharon and were fourfold: 1) "Destroy the PLO
PLO
infrastructure in Lebanon, including the PLO
PLO
headquarters in Beirut." 2) "Drive Syrian forces out of Lebanon." 3) "Install a Christian-dominated government in Lebanon, with Bashir Gemayel
Bashir Gemayel
as President." 4) "Sign a peace treaty with the Lebanese government that would solidify the informal Israeli-Christian alliance and convert it into a binding agreement."[56] George Ball testified before the U.S: Senate's Foreign Affairs Committee that Sharon's long-term strategy, as revealed in conversations, was one of "squeezing the Palestinians out of the West Bank . .allowing only enough of them to remain for work."[57] The military plan with the code name "Big Pines", prepared by IDF, envisaged invasion to Lebanon
Lebanon
up to the highway Damascus- Beirut
Beirut
and linking with Maronite
Maronite
forces. It was first presented to Israeli cabinet on 20 December 1981 by Begin, but rejected by the majority of ministers. According to Avi Shlaim, Sharon and chief of staff Rafael Eitan, realizing that there was no chance in persuading the cabinet to approve a large-scale operation in Lebanon, adopted a different tactic and intended to implement "Operation Big Pines" in stages by manipulating enemy provocations and Israeli responses.[58] On 3 June 1982 Israel's ambassador to the United Kingdom, Shlomo Argov was shot and seriously wounded in London by terrorists belonging to the Iraqi-backed Abu Nidal
Abu Nidal
terrorist organization. The attack was ordered by the Iraqi Intelligence Service.[59][60][61] Following the attack, the assassins drove to the Iraqi embassy in London, where they deposited the weapon.[62] In his memoirs, Sharon stated that the attack was "merely the spark that lit the fuse".[63] Israeli prime Minister Begin used this as the "internationally recognized provocation" necessary to invade Lebanon. The fact that the Abu Nidal organization was the longtime rival of PLO, that its head was condemned to death by the PLO
PLO
court, and that the British police reported that PLO
PLO
leaders were on the "hit list" of the attackers did not deter Begin. Iraq's motives for the assassination attempt may have been to punish Israel
Israel
for its destruction of Iraq's nuclear reactor in June 1981, and to provoke a war in Lebanon
Lebanon
that Iraqi leaders calculated would be detrimental to the rival Ba'ath regime in Syria—whether Syria
Syria
intervened to help the PLO
PLO
or not![64] At the Israeli Cabinet meeting the following day, both Begin and Eitan belittled intelligence reports that the likely culprit was the Abu Nidal group. Begin cut short his own advisor on terrorism, arguing that all Palestinian terrorists were members of the PLO, while Eitan ridiculed the intelligence staff for splitting hairs and demanded to strike at the PLO. Yet Abu Nidal
Abu Nidal
had broken with Arafat and PLO
PLO
in 1974 over a fundamental principle: namely, that the Palestinian national movement would adopt a phased piecemeal approach to secure a Palestinian state and embark on a political path. The lack of understanding of the difference between Palestinian groups and the total ignorance of Palestinian politics on the part an overwhelming majority of Israelis and Jews played into the hands of those who did not wish to distinguish between the PLO
PLO
and the Abu Nidal
Abu Nidal
group. Thus, instead of an initiative to locate the Abu Nidal group in Damascus
Damascus
or Baghdad, the plan to invade Lebanon
Lebanon
was activated.[47]:119–120 The PLO
PLO
denied complicity in the attack, but Israel
Israel
retaliated with punishing air and artillery strikes against Palestinian targets in Lebanon, including the PLO
PLO
camps. Sabra and the Shatila refugee camp were bombed for four hours and the local "Gaza" hospital was hit there. About 200 people were killed during these attacks.[65][better source needed] The PLO
PLO
hit back firing rockets at northern Israel
Israel
causing considerable damage and some loss of life.[citation needed] According to another source, twenty villages were targeted in Galilee and 3 Israelis were wounded.[66] According to Shlaim, Yasser Arafat, at that time being in Saudi Arabia, told the Americans through the Saudis that he was willing to suspend cross-border shelling. But that message was disregarded by the Israeli government. President Reagan also sent a message to Begin urging him not to widen the attack.[66] On 4 June the Israeli cabinet authorized a large scale invasion.[67][68] Begin referred to the operation as self-defense to "avoid another Treblinka".[69] Timeline

Israeli troops in south Lebanon

An aerial view of the stadium used as an ammunition supply site for the PLO, after Israeli airstrikes in 1982.

Invasion On 6 June 1982, Israeli forces under direction of Defense Minister Ariel Sharon
Ariel Sharon
launched a three-pronged invasion of southern Lebanon
Lebanon
in "Operation Peace for Galilee". Roughly 60,000 troops and more than 800 tanks, heavily supported by aircraft, attack helicopters, artillery, and missile boats, crossed the Israel– Lebanon
Lebanon
border in three areas. Simultaneously, Israeli armor, paratroopers, and naval commandos set sail in amphibious landing ships from Ashdod
Ashdod
towards the Lebanese coast. Israel's publicly stated objective was to push PLO
PLO
forces back 40 kilometers (25 mi) to the north. The westernmost Israeli force was to advance up the coastal road to Tyre. Its mission was to bypass Tyre and destroy three PLO
PLO
camps in the area, then move up the coast towards Sidon
Sidon
and Damour, while Israeli forces would simultaneously conduct an amphibious landing north of Sidon
Sidon
to cut off the retreat of PLO
PLO
forces there. In the center, two divisions were to advance both north and south of the high ground overlooked by Beaufort Castle, which was being used as a PLO stronghold, and take the road junction at Nabatieh, while an elite reconnaissance battalion was to take the castle itself. The two divisions were then to split, with one heading west to link up with the forces along the coast, and another towards Jezzine
Jezzine
and from there along the right flank of Syrian forces in the Bekaa Valley. The easternmost Israeli force, the largest of the three, advanced into the Bekaa Valley. Its mission was to prevent Syrian reinforcements from being sent and to stop Syrian forces from attempting to interfere with the operation on the coastal road.[70] Advance on Beirut The advance along the coastal road was preceded by heavy artillery bombardment and airstrikes, but quickly became bogged down and was soon behind schedule. The narrowness of the road forced a slow advance, and Israeli armor became stuck in a large traffic jam. Several armored vehicles were knocked out by PLO
PLO
fighters with anti-tank weaponry hiding in three groves along the road. One of the lead battalions, which was supposed to bypass Tyre and establish a blocking position to the north of the city, made a wrong turn and found itself in the center of the city, where it was ambushed. At eight in the evening the force finally crossed the Litani River
Litani River
and headed towards Sidon. In the central sector, the mission went as planned. The two Israeli divisions bypassed Beaufort Castle on both sides. Although an order to postpone the capture of Beaufort Castle was issued, it did not reach Israeli forces in time to prevent the operation, and Israeli troops of the Golani Brigade
Golani Brigade
captured the castle in the fiercely-fought Battle of the Beaufort. The road junction at Nabatieh
Nabatieh
was also secured by the end of the first day. Meanwhile, the easternmost force penetrated into the Bekaa Valley
Bekaa Valley
and bore down on the Syrian positions. One division bypassed Mount Hermon via a road bulldozed by Israeli military engineers and cleared the town of Hasbaiya before swinging right and advancing towards Rachaiya. Though Israeli forces halted in the floor of the valley, they were flanking Syrian forces from the east and west. The Syrians put up minimal resistance and conducted some harassing artillery fire. By the end of the first day, the operation had gone almost entirely according to plan, though the advance along the coastal road was behind schedule.[70]

Israeli armored vehicles disembark from a landing craft during an amphibious landing

Despite the delays, the Israeli advance along the coastal road continued steadily. This advance was supported by heavy air attacks against PLO
PLO
positions that included the use of cluster bombs. Israeli missile boats also employed 76mm cannons to destroy targets along the coast, firing 3,500 shells during ten days of fighting. Israeli armor continued to advance towards Sidon, while other Israeli infantry attacked the three Palestinian refugee camps in the area that were used as PLO
PLO
bases: Rashidiya, Burj ash-Shamali, and al-Bass. The camps were all criscrossed with networks of bunkers, trenches, and firing positions. The Israelis took each camp section by section using the same method: warnings were blared by loudspeaker urging civilians to leave, before air and artillery bombardment commenced, followed by an infantry assault. Israeli infantry had to engage in fierce urban combat in narrow streets. The PLO
PLO
defenders put up strong resistance and sometimes used civilians as human shields. It took four days of combat to secure Rashidiya and three days to secure the other three camps. At the same time, an Israeli amphibious operation was conducted north of Sidon, beginning with a diversionary bombardment of targets away from the landing zone by missile boats and aircraft. Two groups of commandos from the Shayetet 13
Shayetet 13
naval commando unit then came ashore to probe enemy defenses and secure the landing site, one of which swam to the mouth of the Awali River
Awali River
and another which came ashore on the landing beach in rubber dinghies. After a brief gunbattle with armed Palestinians, the main landings began, with paratroopers coming ashore in rubber dinghies to establish a beachhead followed by three landing craft that unloaded troops and armor. Over the following days, the three landing ships would run between Israel
Israel
and Lebanon, shuttling more troops and armor onto the beachhead. The PLO
PLO
response was limited to ineffective mortar fire, while Israeli missile boats and aircraft attacked Palestinian positions in response, and in total, about 2,400 soldiers and 400 tanks and armored personnel carriers were landed. From the beach, these forces advanced on Sidon, supported by naval gunfire from missile boats. At the same time, Israeli forces in the central sector advanced towards Jezzine
Jezzine
while those in the eastern sector remained in place, but began setting up heavy artillery positions that put Syrian SAM units in artillery range.[71][23][70] Meanwhile, Israeli forces advancing along the coastal road reached the outskirts of Sidon, but were delayed by heavy resistance in the main streets and the Ain al-Hilweh
Ain al-Hilweh
refugee camp on the southeastern edge of the city, and after an attempt by paratroopers to capture the city center and secure the south-north route through the city failed, the city was bypassed via a detour through the hills to the east. After linking up with the forces that had landed north of Sidon, while another force of paratroopers and armor with heavy air and artillery support advanced through central Sidon
Sidon
and cleared a south-north route through the city in fierce fighting. Another Israeli division passed through the city to link up with the forces north of Sidon.[23]

A Syrian tank destroyed during the Battle of Jezzine
Jezzine
burning on the road outside Jezzine

In the center, most Israeli forces advancing towards Jezzine
Jezzine
bypassed the town to continue advancing towards the main highway in the area, leaving a blocking force in the area that was soon joined by an armored brigade. Israeli aircraft attacked and destroyed a Syrian en route to the area that had been discovered by an Israeli drone, while fighting broke out in Jezzine
Jezzine
between the Israelis and Syrian forces holding the town. In the Battle of Jezzine, Israeli forces consisting of two tank battalions supported by a reconnaissance company and engineering platoon took Jezzine
Jezzine
in a fierce daylong battle against a Syrian battalion, then repulsed a fierce counterattack by dozens of Syrian commandos during the night in combat that lasted until dawn. Meanwhile, Israeli forces continued to advance along the Syrians' right flank. Israeli forces advancing along the coast also completed the capture of Sidon. Paratroopers attacked the Kasbah while a combined force of Golani Brigade
Golani Brigade
infantry and tanks attacked Ain al-Hilweh. The Kasbah was secured in three days; the paratroopers advanced cautiously and managed to take it without suffering any casualties. However, the fighting at Ain al-Hilweh
Ain al-Hilweh
was to prove some of the fiercest of the entire war. The camp was heavily fortified and defended by PLO fighters and Islamic fundamentalists. The defenders fought fiercely over every alley and house, with civilians who wanted to surrender shot by the fundamentalists. The Israeli advance was slow and was supported by massive air and artillery bombardment. The IDF employed its previous tactics of urging civilians to leave with loudspeakers before attacking an area. It took about eight days the camp to fall, with the battle culminating in a last stand by the defenders at the camp mosque, which was blown up by the IDF.[72] In an effort to establish air superiority and greater freedom of action, the Israeli Air Force
Israeli Air Force
launched Operation Mole Cricket 19
Operation Mole Cricket 19
on June 9. During the course of the operation, the Israeli Air Force scored a dramatic victory over the Syrians, shooting down 29 Syrian planes and also destroying 17 Syrian anti-aircraft missile batteries, employing electronic warfare methods to confuse and jam the Syrian radars.[13] The Israelis' only known losses were a single UAV shot down and two fighter jets damaged. Later that night, an Israeli air attack destroyed a Syrian armored brigade moving south from Baalbek, and the IAF attacked and destroyed six more Syrian SAM batteries the following day. The easternmost Israeli force, which had been stationary, resumed its advance forward up the Bekaa Valley.[70] In the center, Israeli forces were ambushed by the Syrians as they approached Ain Zhalta, and were pinned down by Syrian forces firing from superior positions. The Israelis were bogged down, and an infantry battalion was sent in by helicopter to reinforce them. The town was only captured after a two-day armored and infantry battle. After Ain Zhalta fell, the Israelis advanced to the town of Ain Dara, which overlooked the Beirut- Damascus
Damascus
highway, and captured the heights overlooking the town. Along the road to Ain Dara, the Israelis encountered Syrian tank and commando units, and found themselves bogged down as the Syrians took advantage of the terrain. The Israelis called in air support, and attack helicopters that took advantage of ravines to fly in low beneath their targets to gain an element of surprise, which proved particularly effective against Syrian tanks. After a daylong battle, the Israelis had surrounded Ain Dara and were in a position to strike on the highway.[13] In the east, Israeli forces advanced along four main routes towards Joub Jannine, along both sides of the Qaraoun reservoir. The Syrians resisted fiercely. Syrian infantrymen armed with anti-tank weapons staged ambushes against Israeli tanks, and Syrian Gazelle helicopters armed with HOT missiles proved effective against Israeli armor. However, the Israelis managed to capture the valley floor, and the Syrians retreated. The Israelis captured Rachaiya, advanced through Kfar Quoq, and took the outskirts of Yanta. Joub Jannine also fell to the Israelis. The extent of Israeli advances ensured that Syrian reinforcements were blocked from deploying west of the Qaraoun reservoir. An Israeli armored battalio then probed past Joub Jannine to the town of Sultan Yacoub, and were ambushed by Syrian forces lying in wait. In the Battle of Sultan Yacoub, the Israelis fought fiercely to extricate themselves, and called in reinforcements and artillery fire to cover the withdrawal. After six hours, the Israelis managed to retreat. In addition, another major air battle erupted in which the Israeli Air Force
Israeli Air Force
shot down 25 Syrian jets and 4 helicopters.[13] To the west, as IDF troops mopped up remaining resistance in Tyre and Sidon, the Israeli advance on Beirut
Beirut
continued, and Syrian tank and commando units were then deployed south of Beirut
Beirut
to reinforce the PLO. When the Israelis reached the Beirut
Beirut
suburb of Kafr Sill, they met a joint Syrian- PLO
PLO
force for the first time, and fought a difficult battle to take it. The IDF temporarily halted its advance in the western sector at Kafr Sill.[13] On June 11, Israel
Israel
and Syria
Syria
announced that they had agreed to a cease-fire at noon, which would not include the PLO. The cease-fire was to come into effect at noon. Just before the cease-fire was to take effect, the Syrians moved a column of T-72
T-72
tanks so as to position it against Israeli forces in the valley. Israeli infantry teams armed with BGM-71 TOW
BGM-71 TOW
anti-tank missiles ambushed the Syrian column, destroying 11 tanks. Another air battle also occurred, with the Israelis shooting down 18 more Syrian jets.[73] As the Israeli advance on Beirut
Beirut
pressed forward in the west, reaching Khalde on June 11. Six miles south of Beirut, the town was the last PLO
PLO
position in front of Beirut
Beirut
Airport. The Israelis, who stood on the outskirts of Beirut, advanced towards the airport, and engaged in frequent combat with PLO
PLO
and Syrian units as Israeli warplanes continued to bomb PLO
PLO
positions in Beirut. The PLO's situation gradually grew worse as the Israeli advance gained ground, threatening to trap the PLO
PLO
and a Syrian brigade deployed with them in the city. With the Israelis advancing on the south and the eastern sector of Beirut
Beirut
held by Lebanese Christian forces, the only way out was on the Beirut- Damascus
Damascus
highway, and the Israelis were building up forces at Ain Dara in the eastern sector, which were in a position to strike at the highway and block any PLO
PLO
attempt to escape. On June 12, the Israeli-Syrian cease-fire was extended to the PLO. As the Israeli advance halted, the Israelis turned their attention to the zone they already occupied in southern Lebanon, and began a policy to root out any PLO
PLO
remnants. Israeli troops began searches for arms caches, and suspected PLO
PLO
members were systematically rounded up and screened, and taken to a detention camp on the Amoun Heights.[13]

IAF Roundel for the strike aircraft that attacked Syrian SAM batteries in 1982 Lebanon
Lebanon
war.

On June 13, less than twelve hours after the Israeli- PLO
PLO
ceasefire had gone into effect, it fell apart, and heavy fighting erupted around Khalde. As the fighting raged, an IDF armored unit struck northeast, attempting to bypass Khalde and advance on Baabda, which overlooked the airport and could be used as another staging point to cut the Beirut- Damascus
Damascus
highway. By June 14, Syrian forces were being deployed to Khalde. Syrian units in Beirut
Beirut
and three commando battalions armed with anti-tank weaponry took up defensive positions southwest of the airport to block any Israeli attempt to capture it. The Israelis attempted to flank these defenses by moving off the road past Shuweifat, up a narrow, steep, and winding road towards Baabda, but were ambushed by a Syrian commando battalion. The Syrians attacked Israeli armor with rocket-propelled grenades and anti-tank missiles at close range. Israeli infantry dismounted and engaged the Syrians. Fierce fighting took place, with the Israelis calling in artillery at very close range to themselves. The Israelis advanced relentlessly, and after fourteen hours of fierce combat that raged up through Ain Aanoub and Souq el-Gharb, they broke through the Syrian positions and entered Baabda. The IDF then immediately sent reinforcements to the column in Baabda
Baabda
to enable it to carry out further operations. From Baabda, the Israeli force split into three columns, one of which struck across the highway and entered the mountainous area to the northeast, one swung west and took up positions in the steep hills west of Beirut, and one turned toward Kahale, which was further down the highway. To the south, the IDF drove PLO
PLO
forces out of Shuweifat, but no major battles occurred. The Israelis had now cut the Beirut- Damascus
Damascus
highway, cutting off all PLO
PLO
and Syrian forces in the city.[13] On June 15, Israel
Israel
offered free passage to all Syrian forces in Beirut if they would withdraw from the city to the Bekaa Valley
Bekaa Valley
in the east, but the Syrian government refused and sent further reinforcements to its units along the highway and north of the highway near Beirut. The Israelis faced Syrian strongpoints reinforced by armor and artillery all along the highway. However, between June 16 and June 22, the fighting was limited to artillery duels and minor firefights between Israeli and Syrian forces, as both sides reinforced their troops.[13] Battles of the Beirut- Damascus
Damascus
highway As the two sides prepared for combat, the IDF deemed capturing the Beirut- Damascus
Damascus
highway to be of critical importance. With the Syrians in control of most of the highway, occupying the towns along the highway and to the north, the Israelis could not prevent Syrian and PLO
PLO
forces from escaping or launch further operations into Beirut without risking a Syrian flanking attack, and the Israelis also wanted a clear transit to Christian-held eastern Beirut. On June 22, the IDF launched an operation to capture the highway. The Israeli Air Force
Israeli Air Force
flew highly effective missions against Syrian positions and vehicles, with Israeli pilots reporting 130 enemy vehicles destroyed in a single air attack alone. Israeli long-range artillery targeted Syrian strongpoints to the north. Israeli armored forces with artillery support attacked Syrian positions along the highway, with the objective of driving them from the highway all the way back to the edge of the Bekaa Valley. With air and artillery support mostly limited to targets north of the highway, the fighting was fierce, especially to the south. By the end of the day, Israel accepted an American request for a cease-fire and halted its offensive, but the cease-fire collapsed the following day and the fighting resumed. As the Israelis pushed forward, and managed to trap a large Syrian force, Syrian defenses began to collapse. For the first time in the war, Syrian troops began to break and run. At Aley, which was defended by Iranian volunteers sent to fight for the PLO, the Israelis encountered fierce resistance. The Israelis managed to push to the eastern Bekaa Valley, and on June 24, began to shell the outskirts of Chtaura, which was at the northern mouth of the Bekaa Valley
Bekaa Valley
and served as headquarters of all Syrian forces there. It was also the last major obstacle before the Syrian border, as well as Syria's capital Damascus
Damascus
itself. The Israelis managed to reach the mountain pass near the village of Dahr el-Baidar, which was the last obstacle before Cthaura. The Syrians fought fiercely to hold the pass, and the Israeli advance halted, with the Israelis holding their ground and harassing the Syrians with artillery fire. By June 25, with the remaining Syrian positions on and north of the highway no longer tenable, the Syrians withdrew. The Israelis allowed the withdrawal to occur but conducted artillery harassment and continued to shell the outskirts of Chtaura. The Syrians attempted to deploy a SAM battery in the Bekaa Valley
Bekaa Valley
at midnight, but Israeli intelligence detected this, and the battery was destroyed in an Israeli air attack. By the end of the day, a cease-fire was announced. The Israelis stopped at their present positions.[13] Siege of Beirut Main article: Siege of Beirut Siege of Beirut
Siege of Beirut
had begun on 14 June: Israeli forces had completed the encirclement of the city the previous day. The Israelis chose to keep the city under siege rather than forcibly capturing it, as they were unwilling to accept the heavy casualties that the heavy street fighting required to capture the city would have resulted in. Israeli forces bombarded targets within Beirut
Beirut
from land, sea, and air, and attempted to asssassinate Palestinian leaders through airstrikes. The siege lasted until August, when an agreement was reached in August 1982. More than 14,000 PLO
PLO
combatants evacuated the country in August and September, supervised by the Multinational Force in Lebanon, an international peacekeeping force with troops from the United States, United Kingdom, France, and Italy. About 6,500 Fatah
Fatah
fighters relocated from Beirut
Beirut
to Jordan, Syria, Iraq, Sudan, both North and South Yemen, Greece, and Tunisia—the latter of which became the new PLO
PLO
headquarters.[74] Philip Habib, Ronald Reagan's envoy to Lebanon, provided an understanding (i.e., assurance) to the PLO
PLO
that the Palestinian civilians in the refugee camps would not be harmed. However, increased hostilities against the US resulted in the April 1983 United States
United States
Embassy bombing. In response, the US brokered the May 17 Agreement, in an attempt to stall hostilities between Israel and Lebanon. However, this agreement eventually failed to take shape, and hostilities continued. On October 23, 1983, the 1983 Beirut barracks bombings against the US Marine and French paratrooper barracks in Beirut. These attacks were attributed to Iranian-backed Islamist guerrillas. Following this incident, international peacekeeping forces were withdrawn from Lebanon. Further conflict and Israeli withdrawal Following the departure of the PLO
PLO
and international peacekeepers, Islamist militants began launching guerrilla attacks against Israeli forces. Suicide bombings were a particularly popular tactic, the most serious being the Tyre headquarters bombings, which twice devastated IDF headquarters in Tyre, and killed 103 Israeli soldiers, border policemen, and Shin Bet
Shin Bet
agents, as well as 49–56 Lebanese. The IDF subsequently withdrew from the Shouf Mountains but continued occupying Lebanon
Lebanon
south of the Awali River. An increased number of Islamic militias began operating in South Lebanon, launching guerrilla attacks on Israeli positions and on pro-Israeli Lebanese militias. Israeli forces often responded with increased security measures and airstrikes on militant positions, and casualties on all sides steadily climbed. In a vacuum left with eradication of PLO, the disorganized Islamic militants in South Lebanon
Lebanon
began to consolidate. The emerging Hezbollah, soon to become the preeminent Islamic militia, evolved during this period. However, scholars disagree as to when Hezbollah
Hezbollah
came to be regarded as a distinct entity. Over time, a number of Shi’a group members were slowly assimilated into the organization, such as Islamic Jihad members, Organization of the Oppressed on Earth, and the Revolutionary Justice Organization. In February 1985, Israel
Israel
withdrew from Sidon
Sidon
and turned it over to the Lebanese Army, but faced attacks: 15 Israelis were killed and 105 wounded during the withdrawal. Dozens of pro-Israeli Lebanese militiamen were also assassinated. From mid-February to mid-March, the Israelis lost 18 dead and 35 wounded. On 11 March, Israeli forces raided the town of Zrariyah, killing 40 Amal fighters and capturing a large stock of arms. On 9 April, a Shiite
Shiite
girl drove a car bomb into an IDF convoy, and the following day, a soldier was killed by a land mine. During that same period, Israeli forces killed 80 Lebanese guerrillas in five weeks. Another 1,800 Shi'as were taken as prisoners. Israel
Israel
withdrew from the Bekaa valley on 24 April, and from Tyre on the 29th. In June 1985, the IDF unilaterally withdrew to a security zone in southern Lebanon
Lebanon
along with its principal Lebanese ally, the South Lebanon
Lebanon
Army, officially ending the war. Despite this being considered the end of the war, conflict would continue. Hezbollah
Hezbollah
continued to fight the IDF and SLA in the South Lebanon
Lebanon
conflict until Israel's final withdrawal from Lebanon
Lebanon
in 2000. Military analysis

IAF Cobra gunships on military exercise. These attack helicopters were successfully employed against Syrian AFVs during the conflict.

During the course of combat operations, the Israeli Air Force conducted successful ground attack missions against Syrian and PLO targets, with Israeli attack helicopters inflicting heavy losses on Syrian armor. Israeli jets shot down between 82[75] and 86 Syrian aircraft in aerial combat, without losses.[76][77] A single Israeli A-4 Skyhawk and two helicopters were shot down by anti-aircraft fire and SAM missiles.[75][76][77] This was the largest aerial combat battle of the jet age with over 150 fighters from both sides engaged. Syrian claims of aerial victories were met with skepticism even from their Soviet allies.[78] The Soviets were so shaken by the staggering losses sustained by their allies that they dispatched the deputy head of their air defense force to Syria
Syria
to examine how the Israelis had been so dominant.[79] The Israeli Air Force
Israeli Air Force
also performed ground attacks, notably destroying the majority of Syrian anti-aircraft batteries stationed in Lebanon. AH-1 Cobra
AH-1 Cobra
helicopter gunships were employed against Syrian armour and fortifications. IAF Cobras destroyed dozens of Syrian Armored fighting vehicles, including some of the modern Soviet T-72
T-72
main battle tanks.

An Israeli Merkava
Merkava
1 in Lebanon
Lebanon
after being hit, 1982

The war also witnessed the Israeli Merkava
Merkava
MBT make its first combat debut, squaring off against Syrian T-72
T-72
tanks. During these engagements, the Israelis claimed that the Merkava
Merkava
proved superior to the T-72, destroying a number of them without sustaining a single loss to T-72
T-72
fire.[80] Former IAF commander, David Ivri
David Ivri
would later recall a meeting with a high-ranking member of the Warsaw Pact, in which he was told that the dominance of Israeli and U.S. technology and tactics during the war was one of the factors that changed Soviet mind-set, leading to Glasnost
Glasnost
and ultimately, the fall of the Soviet Union.[79][81] However, defense analysts and the Syrians claimed the opposite, saying that their T-72s were highly effective and that none were lost.[82] The T-72
T-72
tanks of the Syrian 2nd Armored Division were credited with not only halting the advance of an Israeli armored brigade on Rashaya on 10 June but pushing them back. They tallied the destruction of 33 tanks and the capture of an M60 Patton, which was sent to Damascus
Damascus
and thence transported to Moscow. Syrian tanks saw similar success against Israeli armor in Ain Zhalta and Sultan Yacoub in fighting on 8–10 June, stemming their advance to capture the Beirut- Damascus
Damascus
highway.[83] Final accords Main article: Sabra and Shatila massacre On 14 September 1982, Bachir Gemayel, the newly elected President of Lebanon, was assassinated by Habib Shartouni of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party.[84] Israeli forces occupied West Beirut
Beirut
the next day. At that time, the Lebanese Christian Militia, also known as the Phalangists, were allied with Israel.[85] The Israeli command authorized the entrance of a force of approximately 150 Phalangist fighters' into the Sabra and the Shatila refugee camp. Shatila had previously been one of the PLO's three main training camps for foreign militants and the main training camp for European militants;[86] the Israelis maintained that 2,000 to 3,000 terrorists remained in the camps, but were unwilling to risk the lives of more of their soldiers after the Lebanese army repeatedly refused to "clear them out."[87] Between 460[88][89] and 3,500 civilians, mostly Palestinians and Lebanese Shiites were massacred by the Phalangists, who themselves suffered only two casualties. The Lebanese army's chief prosecutor investigated the killings and counted 460 dead, Israeli intelligence estimated 700–800 dead, and the Palestinian Red Crescent claimed 2,000 dead. 1,200 death certificates were issued to anyone who produced three witnesses claiming a family member disappeared during the time of the massacre.[88] Nearly all of the victims were men.[88][89] Israeli troops surrounded the camps with tanks and checkpoints, monitoring entrances and exits.[85] Further, Israeli investigation by the Kahan Commission
Kahan Commission
of Inquiry found that Ariel Sharon bore "personal responsibility" for failing to prevent the massacre, and for failing to act once he learned of the massacre. The Commission recommended that he be removed as Defense Minister and that he never hold a position in any future Israeli government. Sharon initially ignored the call to resign, but after the death of an anti-war protester, resigned as Israel's Defense Minister, remaining in Begin's cabinet as a Minister without portfolio. Opposing forces The 1982 Lebanon
Lebanon
War was at first a conventional war up to and including when the PLO
PLO
were expelled from Beirut.[90] The war was limited by both Israel
Israel
and Syria
Syria
because they were determined to isolate the fighting, not allowing it to turn into an all-out war.[90][91] Israeli forces were numerically superior, allowing Israel to maintain both the initiative and an element of surprise. The Syrian Army fielded six divisions and 500 aircraft,[90] while Israel
Israel
used five divisions and two brigades, plus 600 aircraft.[90][92] There were numerous other factions involved.[90] Israel

The Israeli Merkava
Merkava
Mark I tank was used throughout the First Lebanon War

IDF forces totalled 78,000 men, 1,240 tanks and 1,500 armoured personnel carriers. IDF troops were deployed in five divisions and two reinforced brigade-size units. The IDF maintained additional forces on the Golan Heights
Golan Heights
as an area reserve.[90] IDF forces were divided into three main axis of advances called sectors:[90][93]

Coastal Sector, (from Rosh Hanikra north to Tyre, Sidon, Damour
Damour
and Beirut.) – Forces included Division 91 with three brigades including the 211th and the Golani Brigade. The 35 Paratroop Brigade and the Na'hal 50th Paratroop Battalion were attached to the division as needed. The Israeli Navy
Israeli Navy
provided naval interdiction, shore gunfire support and landed a mixed brigade from Division 96 at the mouth of the Awali River
Awali River
near Sidon. Israeli Naval commandos had landed there previously.[90][93] Central Sector (from Beaufort Castle to Nabatiyeh) – Jezzine
Jezzine
was the main objective and then on to Sidon
Sidon
to link up with the coastal forces. IDF forces included the Divisions 36 and 162.[90] Eastern Sector (from Rachaiya and Hasbaiya through the Bekaa Valley around Lake Qaraoun) – IDF forces included Divisions 90 and 252, the Vardi Force and the Special
Special
Maneuver Force which was composed of two brigades of Infantry and paratroops who were trained for anti-tank operations. These forces were primarily used to contain the Syrians with orders not to initiate combat against them.[90][93]

Syria

Syrian anti-tank teams deployed French-made Milan ATGMs during the war in Lebanon
Lebanon
in 1982.

Part of a Syrian SA-6
SA-6
site built near the Beirut- Damascus
Damascus
highway, and overlooking the Bekaa Valley, in early 1982.

The Syrian Army
Syrian Army
deployed over 30,000 troops in Lebanon.[90][94] The largest concentration was in the Bekaa Valley
Bekaa Valley
where the 1st Armoured Division consisting of the 58th Mechanised and the 76th and 91st Armoured Brigades. The 62nd Independent Armored Brigade and ten commando battalions were also assigned to the division. Syria
Syria
deployed around 400 tanks in the Bekaa Valley. 19 surface-to-air missile batteries, including SA6's, were also deployed in the Bekaa Valley. In Beirut
Beirut
and the Shouf Mountains were the 85th Infantry Brigade, the PLA, As-Sa'iqa
As-Sa'iqa
and 20 commando battalions. Syria
Syria
deployed around 200 tanks in this area. Their primary mission was to protect the Beirut- Damascus
Damascus
Highway, which was Syria's primary supply line in the region.[90] Lebanon

Lebanese Army
Lebanese Army
APC, Beirut
Beirut
1982

Armed Forces Lebanese Army
Lebanese Army
– By 1982 the Lebanese Army
Lebanese Army
had largely disintegrated and what was left was a Christian-staffed force of about 10,000 men in five brigades (the 5th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th) plus some smaller independent units. The Lebanese Army
Lebanese Army
was officially neutral and followed the orders of the Lebanese government, but provided tacit and active support to the Lebanese Front.[94] The Army had lost much of its heavy equipment due to defections of its units.[95] A Lebanese national army unit of 1,350 was under the operational control of the UNIFIL commander, HQ located at Arzun with sub-units attached to UNIFIL Battalions.[42][90] Lebanese Navy: The mostly Christian manned force operated several patrol boats and was loyal to the government. It played little or no part in the war. Lebanese Air Force: This largely Christian force operated a force of jet fighters, helicopters and other aircraft and it too played little part in the war. Security forces Internal Security Forces: the national police and internal security force of Lebanon. Palestinians PLO Palestinian Liberation Organization forces continued to grow in Lebanon, with full-time military personnel numbering around 15,000 fedayeen, although only 6,000 of these – including 4,500 regulars – deployed in the south. They were armed with 80 aging tanks, many of them no longer mobile, and with 100 to 200 pieces of artillery. According to Israeli analysts Schiff and Ya'ari (1984), the PLO
PLO
more than quadrupled its artillery from 80 cannons and rocket launchers in July 1981 to 250 in June 1982.[96] The same authors also refer to Israeli intelligence estimates of the number of PLO
PLO
fighters in southern Lebanon
Lebanon
of 6,000 as

divided into three concentrations; about 1,500 south of the Litani River in the so-called Iron Triangle (between the villages of Kana, Dir Amas, and Juya), Tyre, and its surrounding refugee camps; another 2,500 of the Kastel Brigade in three districts between the Litani and a line running from Sidon
Sidon
to northeast of Nabatiye; and a third large concentration of about 1,500–2,000 men of the Karameh Brigade in the east, on the slopes of Mount Hermon.[97]

PLO
PLO
primary forces consisted of three conventional brigades – each of 2,000 to 2,500 men – and of seven artillery battalions.[98] Each brigade comprised contingents of the many PLO factions. The Yarmouk Brigade was stationed along the coastal strip while the Kastel Brigade was in the south. The Karameh Brigade was stationed on the eastern slopes of Mount Hermon
Mount Hermon
in the area called Fatahland. The PLO
PLO
had around 15,000 to 18,000 fighters (of whom about 5,000 to 6,000 were alleged to be foreign mercenaries (or volunteers) from such countries as Libya, Iraq, India, Sri Lanka, Chad and Mozambique[99]) deployed as follows:[90]

6,000 in the Beirut, Ba'abda and Damour
Damour
area 1,500 in Sidon 1,000 between Sidon
Sidon
and Tyre 1,500 in Tyre 1,000 deployed from Nabatiyeh
Nabatiyeh
to Beaufort Castle 2,000 in Fatahland around 1,000 in the UNIFIL Zone

Heavy weapons consisted of about 60 T-34, T-54 and T-55 tanks (most of them dug in as pillboxes), up to 250 130mm and 155 mm artillery, many BM21
BM21
Katyusha multiple-rocket launchers plus heavy mortars.[100] Non- PLO
PLO
Palestinian groups Palestinian groups in the radical Rejectionist Front fought on the Muslim-leftist side. The alliance did nothing to improve cooperation between member factions, and internecine bloodshed continued. The following were members of the Rejectionist Front:

Arab Liberation Front
Arab Liberation Front
(ALF) Pro-Iraqi As-Sa'iqa
As-Sa'iqa
(also known as the Vanguard for the Popular Liberation War), a Palestinian Ba'athist political and military faction created and controlled by Syria. Abu Nidal's Fatah-Revolutionary Council Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine
(DFLP) Palestine Liberation Army
Palestine Liberation Army
(PLA) Includes the Popular Liberation Forces (Arabic, quwwat at-tahrir ash-sha'biyya), better known as the Yarmouk Brigade, a PLA Commando
Commando
force. Palestinian Popular Struggle Front
Palestinian Popular Struggle Front
(PPSF) Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
(PFLP) Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
- General Command (PFLP-GC)

Some, such as As-Sa'iqa, the Arab Liberation Front, the Palestine Liberation Army and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command (PFLP-GC) were essentially mercenary armies for foreign governments (Syria, Iraq, and Libya, respectively).[94] Paramilitary forces Right wing

South Lebanon
Lebanon
Army, founded in 1979 the SLA fought against both the PLO
PLO
and Hezbollah. The SLA was composed of Christians, Shias and Druze from the areas that it controlled but the officers were mostly Christians. Guardians of the Cedars, exclusively Maronite
Maronite
with strong anti-Syrian views, 3,000–6,000 uniformed militiamen armed with modern small-arms. They were backed by a mechanized force consisting of a single M50 Super Sherman
M50 Super Sherman
medium tank, a few M42 Dusters and Chaimite V200[101] armoured cars backed by gun-trucks (Land-Rovers, Toyota
Toyota
Land Cruisers, GMC and Ford
Ford
light pick-ups, plus US M35A2
M35A2
2-1/2 ton cargo trucks) fitted with heavy machine guns (HMGs), recoilless rifles, and a few anti-aircraft autocannons.[102]

Left wing

The Lebanese National Resistance Front
Lebanese National Resistance Front
forces totalled about 30,000 fighting men and women. It was the successor of the Lebanese National Movement. The Druze
Druze
were initially neutral but turned against the LF when the new government attempted to force their way into Druze
Druze
controlled territory in the Chouf region. The People’s Liberation Army – PLA (Arabic: Jayish al-Tahrir al-Sha’aby) or Armée de Libération Populaire (ALP), the militia of the Druze
Druze
Progressive Socialist Party, consisted of 10,000 to 20,000 men and boys.[103] The Al-Mourabitoun
Al-Mourabitoun
(Guardians or Saviours in Arabic) is a secular, non-sectarian movement, its membership has always been overwhelmingly Muslim, being perceived within Lebanon
Lebanon
as a predominantly Sunni organization. Its militia (Mouqatin or Fighters) numbered several thousand men and were known for wearing red painted Soviet helmets with Mourabitoun painted on front in Arabic
Arabic
script.[90] The Mourabitoun fought alongside the PLO
PLO
in the Beirut
Beirut
area until the cease fire after which they acquired much cast-off PLO
PLO
equipment such as tanks and rocket launchers. They were supported largely by Libya and Syria.[90] The Kurdistan Workers' Party
Kurdistan Workers' Party
at the time had training camps in Lebanon, where they received support from the Syrians and the PLO. During the Israeli invasion all PKK units were ordered to fight the Israeli forces. A total of 11 PKK fighters died in the conflict.[1][2][3]

Religious Christian The Christian Lebanese Front, was a coalition of mainly Christian parties formed in 1976, during the Lebanese Civil War. It was intended to act as a counter force to the Lebanese National Movement (LNM) of Kamal Jumblatt and others. Combined Lebanese Front
Lebanese Front
forces totalled about 30,000 fighting men and women. These forces were mostly Phalangist, though there were some men from Saad Haddad's "Free Lebanon
Lebanon
forces"[104] and other smaller right-wing militias, including al-Tanzim. Muslim Muslim forces were Shiite
Shiite
organizations:

Amal Movement
Amal Movement
is the militia wing of the Movement of the Disinherited, a Shi'a political movement. Initially neutral. The Shia Amal guerrillas had been ordered by their leaders not to fight and to surrender their weapons if necessary.[103] Hezbollah
Hezbollah
is the other Shiite
Shiite
militia ostensibly formed during the invasion around Beirut
Beirut
and backed by Iran.[105] Pasdaran – In July 1982 Iran
Iran
dispatched an expeditionary force of Revolutionary Guards
Revolutionary Guards
to Lebanon, ostensibly to fight the Israeli invaders. The approximately 650 Pasdaran established their headquarters in the city of Baalbek
Baalbek
in the Syrian-controlled Biqa Valley where they conducted guerrilla training, disbursed military matériel and money, and disseminated propaganda.[106] The political fission that characterized Lebanese politics also afflicted the Shia movement, as groups split off from Amal. Husayn al Musawi, a former Amal lieutenant, entered into an alliance with the Revolutionary Guard and established Islamic Amal. Other Shia groups included Jundallah (Soldiers of God), the Husayn Suicide Commandos, the Dawah
Dawah
(Call) Party, and the notorious Islamic Jihad Organization, reportedly headed by Imad Mughniyyah.[106]

UNIFIL The United Nations
United Nations
Interim Force in Lebanon, or UNIFIL, was created by the United Nations, with the adoption of the United Nations
United Nations
Security Council Resolution 425 and the United Nations
United Nations
Security Council Resolution 426 on 19 March 1978, to confirm Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon
Lebanon
which Israel
Israel
had invaded five days prior, restore international peace and security, and help the Government of Lebanon restore its effective authority in the area. The first UNIFIL troops were deployed in the area on 23 March 1978; these troops were reassigned from other UN peacekeeping operations in the area (namely the United Nations Emergency Force
United Nations Emergency Force
and the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force Zone). During the 1982 Lebanon
Lebanon
War, UN positions were overrun, primarily by the South Lebanon
Lebanon
Army forces under Saad Haddad.[107] Outcome of the war Casualties Main articles: Israeli casualties of war
Israeli casualties of war
and Palestinian casualties of war Lebanese, Palestinian, and Syrian casualties Numbers of the casualties in the conflict vary widely.[108] By the end of the first week, 14 June 1982, International Red Cross and Lebanese police figures claimed that 9,583 had died and 16,608 injured. By the end of the second week, they claimed up to 14,000 people died and 20,000 were injured, mostly civilians.[109] During the Siege of Beirut, by late August 1982, Lebanese sources put the death toll in Beirut
Beirut
at 6,776. This figure included victims of the June 4, 1982, bombing, which occurred two days before the operation officially started. Lebanese police and international doctors serving in Beirut
Beirut
put the number of civilian casualties at about 80%.[110] According to American military analyst Richard Gabriel, all factions in the conflicts agree that between 4,000 and 5,000 civilians died during the siege caused by military activity of all sides. He states that most of the observers that were present on the ground and other relevant sources in Lebanon
Lebanon
agree that estimates of 8,000–10,000 are too high.[13] Accurate numbers of total casualties are hard to estimate, due to "[t]he chaos of warfare, the destruction of city neighborhoods and refugee camps, the haste with which bodies were buried in mass graves and the absence of impartial agencies".[111] Many officials in Beirut, including those of the International Red Cross, claimed that the number of deaths were extremely difficult to estimate correctly. At least one official from a relief organization claimed that in the South about 80% of deaths were civilian and only 20% military.[112] In early September 1982, the independent Beirut
Beirut
newspaper An Nahar published an estimate of deaths from hospital and police records covering the period from 6 June to 31 August 1982.[112] It claimed that 17,285 people were killed: 5,515 people, both military and civilian, in the Beirut
Beirut
area; and 2,513 civilians, as well as 9,797 military forces, including PLO
PLO
and Syrians, outside of the Beirut area.[113] The Lebanese authorities gave a figure of 19,085 killed and 30,000 wounded with combatants accounting for 57% of the dead and civilians 43% in 1982. They do not include the estimated 800–3,500 killed in the Sabra and Shatila massacre.[112] Richard Gabriel estimated that roughly 2,400 PLO
PLO
fighters were killed during the war, of whom about 1,400 were killed throughout southern Lebanon
Lebanon
and another 1,000 killed during the Siege of Beirut. Gabriel also estimated that between 5,000 and 8,000 civilians died during the war. Some later estimates have put the total figure at 18–19,000 killed and more than 30,000 wounded, most of them civilians. 80% of villages in South Lebanon
Lebanon
were damaged, with some completely destroyed.[13][114][115][116][117] The Israeli government maintained that about 1,000 Palestinian fighters and 800 Lebanese civilians died during the invasion, excluding the siege of Beirut.[118][119] Kenneth Pollack estimated that 1,200 Syrian soldiers were killed and about 3,000 wounded during the war.[12] Israeli casualties According to Israeli figures, between 6 June 1982 and June 1985, the Israel
Israel
Defense Forces suffered 657 dead and 3,887 wounded.[11] Another three Israeli soldiers who are thought to have fallen into Syrian hands remain officially missing in action to this day. According to Kenneth Pollack, Israeli losses in action against the Syrians were 195 dead and 872 wounded.[12] From the withdrawal to the South Lebanon Security Zone in 1985 to the pullout to the international border in May 2000, the IDF lost another 559 soldiers,[120] including 256 from combat.[121] Israeli civilian casualties from cross-border shelling numbered 9–10 killed and at least 248 wounded between June 1982 and 1999.[122] Security buffer zone and Syrian occupation

Map showing power balance in Lebanon, 1983: Green – controlled by Syria, purple – controlled by Christian groups, yellow – controlled by Israel, blue – controlled by the United Nations

IDF military patrol near Ras Biada- south Lebanon
Lebanon
(1986)

IDF military post Shakuf El-Hardun – south Lebanon
Lebanon
(1986)

IDF military patrol above the Litani river- south Lebanon
Lebanon
(1987)

Beaufort IDF northern military post- south Lebanon
Lebanon
(1995)

IDF military patrol between Aaichiye to Rayhan- south Lebanon
Lebanon
(1995)

In September 1982, the PLO
PLO
withdrew most of its forces from Lebanon. With U.S. assistance, Israel
Israel
and Lebanon
Lebanon
reached an accord in May 1983, that set the stage to withdraw Israeli forces from Lebanon
Lebanon
while letting them patrol a "security zone" together with the Lebanese Army. The instruments of ratification were never exchanged, however, and in March 1984, under pressure from Syria, Lebanon
Lebanon
cancelled the agreement. In January 1985, Israel
Israel
started to withdraw most of its troops, leaving a small residual Israeli force and an Israeli-supported militia, the South Lebanon
Lebanon
Army in southern Lebanon
Lebanon
in a "security zone", which Israel
Israel
considered a necessary buffer against attacks on its northern territory. The Israeli withdrawal to the security zone ended in June 1985. Israel
Israel
withdrew fully from Lebanon
Lebanon
in 2000. The political vacuum resulting from the 1985 Israeli withdrawal would eventually lead to the de facto Syrian occupation of Lebanon. Syria would gain much more power over Lebanon
Lebanon
than what it enjoyed before 1982,[23] but it would no longer align with the PLO. In the War of the Camps that followed the Israeli withdrawal, Syria
Syria
fought their former Palestinian allies. Relocation of PLO Following Arafat's decision of June 1982, by September 1982, the PLO had withdrawn most of its forces from Lebanon. Syria
Syria
backed the anti-Arafat PLO
PLO
forces of Abu Musa in the Beka valley from May 1983. When Arafat castigated the Syrian government for blocking PLO
PLO
supplies in June 1983, the Syrian government declared Arafat a persona non-grata on 24 June 1983.[123][better source needed] With the withdrawal of the PLO
PLO
leadership from Tripoli in December 1983 there was an Egyptian- PLO
PLO
rapprochement, this was found to be encouraging by the Reagan administration but was condemned by the Israeli government.[124][better source needed] Political results for Israel In the voting in the Knesset
Knesset
on the war, only Hadash
Hadash
opposed the war (and even submitted a no-confidence motion against the Israeli government). Hadash
Hadash
Knesset
Knesset
member Meir Vilner
Meir Vilner
said in the Knesset plenary session that: "The government is leading Israel
Israel
to an abyss. It is doing something that in the course of time might lead to crying for generations". In response, they were condemned, and calls were heard, among others from the editor of Yediot Ahronoth, to prosecute them for treason. Left-wing Knesset
Knesset
members, including Shulamit Aloni and Yossi Sarid, were absent from the plenary for the vote. Even the Labour faction voted in support. By mid January 1983 Rabin was saying that the Israeli attempt to impose a peace agreement on Lebanon
Lebanon
by the use of force was a "mistake" based upon an "illusion".[125][better source needed] Heavy Israeli casualties, alleged disinformation of Israeli government leaders and the Israeli public by Israeli military, as well as political advocates of the campaign and lack of clear goals led to increasing disquiet among Israelis. This culminated in a large protest rally in Tel Aviv
Tel Aviv
on September 25, 1982, organized by the Peace Now movement, following the 1982 Sabra and Shatila massacre. Organizers claimed 400,000 people participated in the rally, and it became known as the "400,000 rally". Other estimates put the figure much lower, maybe reaching 100,000 Israelis but including thousands of reserve soldiers back from Lebanon.[126][127][better source needed] Political outcome for Lebanon The Israeli- Maronite
Maronite
alliance dissolved, and Sharon's goal of installing a pro- Israel
Israel
Christian government in Beirut
Beirut
was not accomplished.[128] 850,000 Christians would emigrate during the Civil War out of Lebanon, most of them permanently.[129] The withdrawal of the IDF from central Lebanon
Lebanon
in the summer of 1983, was followed by one of the bloodiest phases of the Lebanese war, where the Christian Militia (the Lebanese Forces) was left alone to defend the "Mountain" area which comprised the Aley and Chouf districts against a coalition of Druze
Druze
PSP, PLO
PLO
remnants, Syrian Army, Lebanese Communist, and Syrian Social National Party. This heavily impacted the civilian population from both sides (more than 5,000 killed from both sides).[citation needed] The Mountain War ended after the Christian forces and civilians withdrew to the town of Deir el Kamar where they were besieged for 3 months before all hostilities ceased and they were transported to East Beirut. The invasion led to the switching of sides of Amal Movement, which used to fight against the PLO
PLO
prior to the invasion. The invasion is also popularly held to be the major catalyst for the creation of the Iranian and Syrian supported Hezbollah
Hezbollah
organization, which by 1991 was the sole armed militia in Lebanon
Lebanon
not supported by Israel
Israel
and by 2000 had completely replaced the vanquished PLO
PLO
in Southern Lebanon.[citation needed] Cold War perspective According to Abraham Rabinovich, the complete dominance of U.S. and Israeli technology and tactics over those of the Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
was to have been a factor that hastened the demise of the Warsaw Pact
Warsaw Pact
and Soviet Union.[79][81][dubious – discuss] However, this was not the first confrontation in which Soviet weaponry had been outmatched by American weaponry. In many of the Cold War conflicts[which?] the Americans and their allies had superior technology. Nonetheless, the gap between the First World
First World
and Second World
Second World
weaponry was more apparent in the 1980s and weighed more heavily on Second World leaders. Long-term consequences One of the lingering consequences of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon was the creation of Hezbollah.[130] In 2000, when Ehud Barak
Ehud Barak
was Israeli Prime Minister, Israel
Israel
finally withdrew from the security zone to behind the Blue Line. Lebanon
Lebanon
and Hezbollah
Hezbollah
continue to claim a small area called Shebaa Farms
Shebaa Farms
as Lebanese territory, but Israel
Israel
insists that it is captured Syrian territory with the same status as the Golan Heights. The United Nations has not determined the final status of Shebaa Farms
Shebaa Farms
but has determined that Israel
Israel
has complied with UNSC resolution 425. The UN Secretary-General had concluded that, as of 16 June 2000, Israel
Israel
had withdrawn its forces from Lebanon
Lebanon
in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 425 of 1978, bringing closure to the 1982 invasion as far as the UN was concerned.[131] Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon
Lebanon
led to pressure on the Syrians to withdraw their occupation forces and this pressure intensified after the assassination of the popular Lebanese Prime Minister, Rafik Hariri. On 26 April 2005 the Syrian occupation forces withdrew from Lebanon.[132] Other consequences

The invasion removed PLO
PLO
presence from Southern Lebanon
Lebanon
and the Syrian military was weakened by combat losses, especially in the air. However, the removal of the PLO
PLO
also paved the way for the rise of other militant groups, particularly Hezbollah. The failure of the larger Israeli objectives of resolving the conflict in Lebanon
Lebanon
with a peace treaty.[133] The Lebanese Council for Development and Reconstruction
Lebanese Council for Development and Reconstruction
estimated the cost of the damage from the invasion at 7,622,774,000 Lebanese pounds, equivalent to US$2 billion at the time.[134] Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden
Osama bin Laden
said in a videotape, released on the eve of the 2004 U.S. presidential elections, that he was inspired to attack the buildings of the United States
United States
by the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, in which towers and buildings in Beirut
Beirut
were destroyed in the siege of the capital.[135]

Investigation into violation of international law Main article: Sabra and Shatila massacre
Sabra and Shatila massacre
§ U.N. condemnation On 16 December 1982, the United Nations General Assembly
United Nations General Assembly
condemned the Sabra and Shatila massacre
Sabra and Shatila massacre
and declared it to be an act of genocide.[136] The voting record[137][138][139] on section D of Resolution 37/123, which "resolves that the massacre was an act of genocide", was: yes: 123; no: 0; abstentions: 22; non-voting: 12. The abstentions were: Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany (Federal Republic), Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Sweden, United Kingdom, U.S., Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Israel, Ivory Coast, Papua New Guinea, Barbados
Barbados
and Dominican Republic. Some delegates disputed the claim that the massacre constituted genocide. In 1982, an international commission investigated into reported violations of International Law by Israel
Israel
during its invasion of the Lebanon. Chairman was Seán MacBride, the other members were Richard Falk, Kader Asmal, Brian Bercusson, Géraud de la Pradelle, and Stefan Wild. The commission's report[140] concluded that "the government of Israel
Israel
has committed acts of aggression contrary to international law", that the government of Israel
Israel
had no valid reasons under international law for its invasion of Lebanon, and that the Israeli authorities or forces were directly or indirectly responsible for the massacres and killings, which have been reported to have been carried out by Lebanese militiamen in Sabra and the Shatila refugee camp
Shatila refugee camp
in the Beirut
Beirut
area between 16 and 18 September.[140] Following a four-month investigation, on 8 February 1983, the Kahan Commission submitted its report, which was released to the public by spokesman Bezalel Gordon simultaneously in Hebrew and English. It concluded that direct responsibility rested with the Gemayel Phalangists led by Fadi Frem, and that no Israelis were deemed directly responsible, although Israel
Israel
was held to be indirectly responsible:

The decision on the entry of the Phalangists into the refugee camps was taken without consideration of the danger – which the makers and executors of the decision were obligated to foresee as probable – the Phalangists would commit massacres and pogroms against the inhabitants of the camps, and without an examination of the means for preventing this danger. Similarly, it is clear from the course of events that when the reports began to arrive about the actions of the Phalangists in the camps, no proper heed was taken of these reports, the correct conclusions were not drawn from them, and no energetic and immediate action were taken to restrain the Phalangists and put a stop to their actions.

In cinema Several films were staged, based on the events of the 1982 war:

Cup Final (1991) Beaufort (2007) Waltz with Bashir
Waltz with Bashir
(2008) Lebanon
Lebanon
(2009)

Footnotes

^ Note that scholars describe this variously as a pretext (i.e. an excuse for a pre-planned invasion) or as the actual provocation which sparked an otherwise avoidable conflict

See also

Israel- Lebanon
Lebanon
relations 1978 South Lebanon
Lebanon
conflict Multinational Force in Lebanon 2006 Lebanon
Lebanon
War List of modern conflicts in the Middle East Golan Heights
Golan Heights
Law Operation Tipped Kettle (US-Israeli government operation transferring weapons seized by Israeli forces from the Palestine Liberation Organization in Lebanon
Lebanon
to the Nicaraguan Contras.)

Notes

^ a b "In the Spotlight: PKK (A.k.a KADEK) Kurdish Worker's Party". Cdi.org. Archived from the original on 13 August 2011. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ a b "Abdullah Öcalan en de ontwikkeling van de PKK". Xs4all.nl. Archived from the original on 15 December 2010. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ a b "a secret relationship". Niqash.org. Archived from the original on 14 March 2012. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ Eligar Sadeh Militarization and State Power in the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Case Study of Israel, 1948–1982, Universal-Publishers, 1997 p.119. ^ Mira M. Sucharov, The International Self: Psychoanalysis and the Search for Israeli-Palestinian Peace, SUNY Press, 2012 p.95:’Gioven the widely perceived strategic failure of the war’. ^ http://mfa.gov.il/MFA/AboutIsrael/History/Pages/The%20Arab-Israeli%20Wars.aspx – "In retaliation, the IDF attacked Lebanon
Lebanon
once again and succeeded in its original purpose to wipe out terrorist bases in the south of Lebanon. A series of simultaneous, amphibious operations was remarkably successful. Subsequently, however, the mission was enlarged and the capture of Beirut
Beirut
signalled the transition to a long drawn-out war. It failed to achieve its ultimate purpose. A peace treaty with Lebanon
Lebanon
was signed, but not ratified; the Christian government of fragmented Lebanon
Lebanon
was too weak to prevail." ^ Israel
Israel
Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Netanel Lorch (2013). "The Lebanon
Lebanon
War: Operation Peace for Galilee (1982)". The Israel
Israel
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The failure of Operation Peace of Galilee to achieve its objective prevailed upon the new national coalition government, which took office in 1984, to withdraw forthwith from Lebanon.  ^ Globalsecurity.org, THE ISRAELI EXPERIENCE IN LEBANON, 1982–1985, Major George C. Solley, Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 10 May 1987. Retrieved 7 February 2014.

The third goal was to remove Syrian presence from Lebanon. The recognition that this goal was obviously unsuccessful must betempered by an awareness of the Lebanese situation since 1982. Even when the first two aims seemed to have been met, Syrian recalcitrance acted as a stumbling blocks the Syrians would by nomeans agree to a withdrawal from Lebanon
Lebanon
in conjunction with the Israelis and therefore were able to effectively scuttle the 17 May, Agreement between Israel
Israel
and Lebanon
Lebanon
before it had any chance of fulfillment; Syria
Syria
offered a haven for PLO
PLO
fighters in the Bekaa Valley
Bekaa Valley
from which they could stage raids on the IDF in Lebanon
Lebanon
and from which many have now moved back into Beirut
Beirut
and Sidon; and despite having taken severe losses during the June fighting, Syria
Syria
was able to quickly replace those losses with better Soviet equipment accompanied by a number of Soviet advisors.

^ Hirst, David (2010). Beware of Small States. NationBooks. pp. 144–145. ISBN 978-1-56858-657-1. In time, however, Arafat and his guerrilla leadership decided that they would have to withdraw, leaving no military and very little political or symbolic presence behind. Their enemy's firepower and overall strategic advantage were too great and it was apparently ready to use them to destroy the whole city over the heads of its inhabitants. The rank and file did not like this decision, and there were murmurings of 'treason' from some of Arafat's harsher critics. Had they not already held out, far longer than any Arab country in any former war, against all that the most powerful army in the Middle East – and the fourth most powerful in the world, according to Sharon – could throw against them? (...) But [Palestinians] knew that, if they expected too much, they could easily lose [Lebanense Muslim support] again. 'If this had been Jerusalem', they said, 'we would have stayed to the end. But Beirut
Beirut
is not outs to destroy.  ^ Morris, p. 559 ^ a b Wars, Internal Conflicts, and Political Order: A Jewish Democracy in the Middle East, Gad Barzilai, pp. 148 ^ a b c d Arabs at War: Military Effectiveness, 1948–1991 ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Gabriel, Richard, A, Operation Peace for Galilee, The Israeli- PLO
PLO
War in Lebanon, New York: Hill & Wang. 1984, p. 164, 165, ISBN 0-8090-7454-0 ^ "ISRAELI GENERAL SAYS MISSION IS TO SMASH P.L.O. IN BEIRUT". The New York Times. 15 June 1982. Retrieved 1 May 2017.  ^ Tucker, Spencer C.; Roberts, Priscilla (2008). The Encyclopedia of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. A Political, Social, and Military. ABC-CLIO. p. 623. ISBN 9781851098415.  ^ Bickerton, Ian J. (2009). The Arab-Israeli Conflict: A History. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 151. ISBN 9781861895271.  ^ Martin, Gus (2013). Understanding Terrorism: Challenges, Perspectives, and Issues. Sage Publications. ISBN 9781452205823. The operation was called Operation Peace for Galilee and was launched in reply to ongoing PLO
PLO
attacks from its Lebanese bases.  ^ [Ze'ev Schiff, Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon
Lebanon
War, Simon and Schuster 1985 pp.98f:'Argov had been shot by an unusual weapon of Polish manufacture known as a WZ 63, . .Israeli intelligence knew that this late-model weapon had been supplied to Abu Nidal's organization but not yet to other terrorist groups. . .The key point that the intelligence officers wanted to convey to the Cabinet was that Abu Nidal's organization was an exception among the Palestinian terror groups. Once among Yasser Arafat's closest friends, Abu Nidal
Abu Nidal
had over the years turned into the chairman's most vicious enemy . .Abu Nidal referred to Arafat contemptuously as "the Jewess's son" and had made repeated attempts on his life. Arafat, in return, had pronounced a death sentence on Abu Nidal.' ^ Kai Bird, The Good Spy: The Life and Death of Robert Ames, Random House 2014 p.288:'When Prime Minister Menachem Begin
Menachem Begin
was told that the assassins were Abu Nidal's men -sworn enemies of Arafat and the PLO- he reportedly scoffed,"They're all PLO, Abu Nidal, Abu Shmidal- we have to strike at the PLO".' ^ Kahalani, A Warriors Way, Shapolsky Publishers (1994) pp. 299–301 ^ Harvey W. Kushner, Encyclopedia of terrorism Sage Publications (2003), p.13 ^ Friedman, p. 157 ^ a b c d e Morris, Benny: Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881–1998 ^ Benny Morris
Benny Morris
(2004). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge University Press. pp xiv–xx. ISBN 0-521-00967-7 (pbk.) ^ Kissinger, Henry (1999). Years of Renewal, Phoenix Press. ISBN 1-84212-042-5. p. 1022. "I think with sadness of these civilized men who in a turbulent part of the world had fashioned a democratic society based on genuine mutual respect of religion. Their achievement did not survive. The passions sweeping the area were too powerful to be contained by subtle constitutional arrangements. As it had attempted in Jordan, the Palestinian movement wrecked the delicate balance of Lebanon's stability. Before the peace process could run its course, Lebanon
Lebanon
was torn apart. Over its prostrate body of writing all the factions and forces of the Middle East still chase their eternal dreams and act out their perennial nightmares." ^ "Extracts relating to Article 98 of the Charter of the United Nations: Supplement No 5 (1970–1978)" (PDF). Repertory of Practice of United Nations
United Nations
Organs. United Nations. pp. §275. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 October 2013. Retrieved 6 August 2006.  ^ Morris, p. ??? ^ a b Morris, p. 503 ^ Morris, p. 505 ^ Morris, p. 509 ^ "UN Security Council
Security Council
report S/14295" (PDF). UN.org. Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 October 2014. Retrieved 1 May 2017.  ^ " United Nations
United Nations
Security Council
Security Council
document S/14537". UN.org. Retrieved 1 May 2017.  ^ a b " United Nations
United Nations
Security Council
Security Council
document S/14789". UN.org. Retrieved 1 May 2017.  ^ Schiff & Ya'ari, pp. 35–36 ^ a b Morris, p. 507 ^ "The Israeli Air Force". IAF.org.il. Retrieved 1 May 2017.  ^ Kameel B. Nazr (2007) Arab and Israeli Terrorism: The Causes and Effects of Political Violence. McFarland & Company. ISBN 978-0-7864-3105-2 [1] ^ Reagan, p. 66 ^ Fisk, p. 194 ^ Friedman, Thomas L. "Israeli Jets Raid P.L.O. in Lebanon; Shelling follows". The New York Times, 10 May 1982, p. 1. ^ Cobban, p. 112 ^ a b c UN Doc S/15194 Archived 2 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine. of 10 June 1982 Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon ^ UN Doc S/PV.2292 Archived 12 March 2006 at the Wayback Machine., 17 July 1981. ^ "Sharon's war crimes in Lebanon: the record". Wsws.org. 22 February 2002. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ Becker, Jillian (1984). PLO: The Rise and Fall of the Palestine Liberation Organization. AuthorHouse. p. 257. ISBN 978-1-4918-4435-9.  ^ Gilad Sharon (2011). Sharon: The Life of a Leader. Translated by Mitch Ginsberg. Harper Collins. Chapter 14 [2] ^ a b Colin Shindler (1995)The Land Beyond Promise: Israel, Likud
Likud
and the Zionist Dream.pp 117. l.B.Tauris & Co Ltd. ISBN 1-86064-774-X ^ Siklaw, Rami (Winter 2012). "The Dynamics of the Amal Movement
Amal Movement
in Lebanon
Lebanon
1975–90". Arab Studies Quarterly. 34 (1): 4–26.  ^ Ball, George W. Error and Betrayal in Lebanon, p. 35. ^ Lee, Timothy. "The stupidity of Ronald Reagan. – Slate Magazine". Slate.com. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ "Alexander Haig". Time. New York. 9 April 1984. Archived from the original on 28 April 2011. Retrieved 6 April 2011.  ^ John Boykin (2002), Cursed Is the Peacemaker (Belmont, CA: Applegate Press: 0971943206). Quoted in PHILIP HABIB AND ARIEL SHARON: FROM THE ARCHIVES (2007)[3] ^ Reagan, pp. 87–90 ^ Blight, James G.; et al. (2012). Becoming Enemies: U.S.-Iran Relations and the Iran- Iraq
Iraq
War, 1979–1988. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. pp. 19, 110–111. ISBN 978-1-4422-0830-8.  ^ Shlaim 2007, p. 412 ^ Maoz, p. 181 ^ Yevgeny Primakov, Russia
Russia
and the Arabs: Behind the Scenes in the Middle East from the Cold War to the Present, Basic Books 2009 p.201. ^ Shlaim 1999, pp. 396–397 ^ Cradle of Conflict: Iraq
Iraq
And the Birth of Modern U.S. Military Power. p. 5. Retrieved 31 May 2012.  ^ Ensalaco, Mark. Middle Eastern Terrorism: From Black September to September 11. p. 133. Retrieved 31 May 2012.  ^ Goodarzi, Jubin. Syria
Syria
And Iran: Diplomatic Alliance And Power Politics in the Middle East. p. 61. Retrieved 31 May 2012.  ^ Blight, James G.; et al. (2012). Becoming Enemies: U.S.-Iran Relations and the Iran- Iraq
Iraq
War, 1979–1988. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 104. ISBN 978-1-4422-0830-8.  ^ Joffe, Lawrence (25 February 2003). "Obituary of Shlomo Argov". The Guardian. Retrieved 31 May 2012. At last, the then Israeli defence minister Ariel Sharon
Ariel Sharon
had a pretext for his long-planned campaign to eliminate the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and its headquarters in the Lebanese capital, Beirut. In his memoirs, Sharon admits that the Dorchester ambush was "merely the spark that lit the fuse".  ^ Schiff & Ya'ari 1984, pp. 97, 99–100. ^ Chomsky, p. 197 ^ a b Shlaim 1999, p. 404 ^ Herzog & Gazit, pp. 340–43 ^ Hogg, Ian V., Israeli War Machine, Hamlyn Publishing Group Ltd, (1983) p. 171-175 ISBN 0-600-38514-0 ^ Gerald Cromer, A War of Words: Political Violence and Public Debate in Israel, Frank Cass 2004 p.116. ^ a b c d Davis, H. Thomas: 40 Km Into Lebanon: Israel's 1982 Invasion ^ Mommsen, Klaus: 60 YEARS ISRAEL NAVY: Chel Ha'Yam Ha'Yisraeli ^ גלעד בארי, מלחמת לבנון – נגד פלסטין הקטנה Gil'ad Be'eri, "The Lebanon
Lebanon
War" – "Confronting "Little Palestine" in Lebanon" ^ עפר שלח ויואב לימור, "שבויים בלבנון, האמת על מלחמת לבנון השנייה", הוצאת ידיעות ספרים, 2007, עמוד 327 (Hebrew) Ofer Shelah
Ofer Shelah
and Yoav Limor, "Captives in Lebanon
Lebanon
– The Truth about the Second Lebanon
Lebanon
War", 2007 – page 327 ^ "1982: PLO
PLO
leader forced from Beirut". BBC News. 30 August 1982. Retrieved 20 April 2010.  ^ a b Rabinovich, p. 510 ^ a b Herzog & Gazit, pp. 347–348 ^ a b Walker, pp. 162–63 ^ Hurley, Matthew M. "The Bekaa Valley
Bekaa Valley
Air Battle". Airpower Journal (Winter 1989). Archived from the original on 23 September 2008. Retrieved 10 September 2008.  ^ a b c Rabinovich, p. 510–511 ^ Herzog & Gazit, pp. 349 ^ a b Rebecca Grant The Bekaa Valley
Bekaa Valley
War Air Force Magazine Online 85 (June 2002). Retrieved 22 August 2009 ^ Ilyin, Vladimir; Nikolski, Mikhail (1997). "Sovremennye tanki v boiu" [Modern Tanks in Battle]. Tekhnika i vooruzhenie [Machinery and Armament] (in Russian) (1).  ^ Seale, pp. 382–83. ^ Seale, p. 391 ^ a b "Flashback: Sabra and Shatila massacres", BBC News Online (London), 24 January 2002. ^ Becker, Jillian (1984). PLO: The Rise and Fall of the Palestine Liberation Organization. AuthorHouse. pp. 239, 356–357. ISBN 978-1-4918-4435-9.  ^ Becker, Jillian (1984). PLO: The Rise and Fall of the Palestine Liberation Organization. AuthorHouse. p. 264. ISBN 978-1-4918-4435-9.  ^ a b c Schiff, Ze'ev; Ya'ari, Ehud (1985). Israel's Lebanon
Lebanon
War. Simon and Schuster. p. 282. ISBN 978-0-671-60216-1.  ^ a b Becker, Jillian (1984). PLO: The Rise and Fall of the Palestine Liberation Organization. AuthorHouse. p. 265. ISBN 978-1-4918-4435-9.  ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Armies in Lebanon
Lebanon
1982–84, Samuel Katz and Lee E. Russell, Osprey Men-At-Arms series No. 165, 1985 ^ lb0161 ^ lb0163 ^ a b c Israeli Elite Units since 1948, Samuel Katz, Osprey Elite series 18, ^ a b c "APPENDIX B – Lebanon, APPENDIX B – Lebanon". Lcweb2.loc.gov. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ "About this Collection – Country Studies". LOC.gov. Retrieved 1 May 2017.  ^ Schiff & Ya'ari, pp. 83–84 ^ Schiff & Ya'ari, pp. 134–135 ^ "Lebanon. The Two-Week War. Section 1 of 1; Data as of December 1987 Library of Congress Country Studies". Lcweb2.loc.gov. 3 June 1982. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ "The Lebanon
Lebanon
War". Jewishvirtuallibrary.org. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ Sayigh, p. 524 ^ "– An ex-ISF V-200 Chaimite employed by the Guardians of the Cedar pictured at Houche-el-Oumara during the Battle for Zahle, April–June 1981". Milinme.wordpress.com. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ "– GoC M34 gun-truck with ZU-23-2 AA autocannon, c.1976". Alsminiature.com. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ a b "Lebanon". Lcweb2.loc.gov. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ Shahid, Leila (Autumn 2002). "The Sabra and Shatila Massacres: Eye-Witness Reports" (PDF). Journal of Palestine Studies. 32 (1): 36–58. doi:10.1525/jps.2002.32.1.36. Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 May 2013.  ^ "Who are Hezbollah". BBC News. May 21, 2008. Retrieved January 30, 2017.  ^ a b "Lebanon". Lcweb2.loc.gov. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ "Extracts relating to Article 98 of the Charter of the United Nations: Supplement No 6 (1979–1984)" (PDF). Repertory of Practice of United Nations
United Nations
Organs. United Nations. pp. §185–§199. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 October 2013. Retrieved 6 August 2006.  ^ Spencer C. Tucker (8 October 2010). The Encyclopedia of Middle East Wars: The United States
United States
in the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, and Iraq Conflicts [5 volumes]: The United States
United States
in the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, and Iraq
Iraq
Conflicts. 2. ABC-CLIO. p. 732. ISBN 978-1-85109-948-1.  ^ Fisk, pp. 255–257 ^ Molly Dunigan (28 February 2011). Victory for Hire: Private Security Companies’ Impact on Military Effectiveness. Stanford University Press. pp. 103–. ISBN 978-0-8047-7459-8.  ^ Shipler, David K. (14 July 1982). "Toll of Lebanon
Lebanon
Dead and Injured Is Still Uncertain in Chaos of War". The New York Times.  ^ a b c "The 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon: the casualties". Race & Class. 24 (4): 340–3. 1983. doi:10.1177/030639688302400404.  ^ "Mid-Range Wars and Atrocities of the Twentieth Century". Retrieved 4 August 2013.  ^ Saad-Ghorayeb, Amal (2003). "Factors Conducive to the Politicization of the Lebanese ShĪ'a and the Emergence of Hizbu'llĀh". Journal of Islamic Studies. 14 (3): 300. doi:10.1093/jis/14.3.273.  cited in Waines An Introduction to Islam (2004) ^ David Waines (1 October 2004). An Introduction To Islam. Cambridge University Press India Pvt. Limited. p. 285. ISBN 978-81-7596-189-0.  ^ "Casualties Of Mideast Wars". Los Angeles Times. Associated Press. 8 March 1991. Retrieved 1 October 2014.  ^ Jack Donnelly; Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann (1 January 1987). International Handbook of Human Rights. ABC-CLIO. pp. 247–. ISBN 978-0-313-24788-0.  ^ " Lebanon
Lebanon
Demands Payment". The Los Angeles Times. November 16, 1984.  ^ Walsh, Edward (November 16, 1984). "Lebanon, Israel
Israel
Resume Talks on Troop Pullout". The Washington Post.  ^ 657 killed from 1982–1985 (Wars, Internal Conflicts, and Political Order: A Jewish Democracy in the Middle East, Gad Barzilai, pp. 148), 1,216 killed from 1982–2000 (Imperfect Compromise: A New Consensus Among Israelis and Palestinians, Michael I. Karpin) = 559 killed 1985–2000 ^ Luft, Gal (1 September 2000). "Israel's Security Zone in Lebanon
Lebanon
– A Tragedy?". MEForum.org. Retrieved 1 May 2017.  ^ 1 killed between June 1982 and June 1992 (Israelis See Little Apparent Gain From Invasion, Csmonitor, retrieved 4 February 2014), 9 killed from 1985–1999 (Israeli Civilians Killed/Wounded On the Lebanese Border, Jewish Virtual Library, retrieved 14 February 2014) ^ American Jewish Committee Archives American Jewish Yearbook 1985. p. 126. ^ American Jewish Committee Archives American Jewish Yearbook 1985. p. 130. ^ American Jewish Committee Archives, American Jewish Yearbook 1985. p. 260. ^ Warschawski, Michel (April–May 2006). "Inside the Anti-Occupation Camp" Archived 27 June 2006 at the Wayback Machine., The Link (Americans for Middle East Understanding). ^ Israelis at huge rally in Tel Aviv
Tel Aviv
demand Begin and Sharon resign New York Times, September 26, 1982 ^ Morris, p. 551 ^ Dagher, Carole (2002). Bring Down the Walls: Lebanon's Post-War Challenge. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 71. ISBN 978-0312293369.  ^ "BBC News – Who are Hezbollah?". BBC.co.uk. Retrieved 1 May 2017.  ^ " Security Council
Security Council
Endorses Secretary-General's Conclusion On Israeli Withdrawal From Lebanon
Lebanon
as of 16 June", UN Press release SC/6878, 18 June 2000. ^ " Security Council
Security Council
Press Release SC/8372". United Nations. 29 April 2005. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ Netanel Lorch. "The Arab-Israeli Wars". Israel
Israel
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Archived from the original on 29 April 2011. Retrieved 6 April 2011.  ^ "E/CN.4/2000/22/Add.1 of 3 March 2000". United Nations. Archived from the original on 23 December 2011. Retrieved 29 February 2012.  ^ Arak, Joel (29 October 2004). "Osama Bin Laden Warns America: Terror Leader Admits For First Time That He Ordered 9/11 Attacks", CBS News. ^ U.N. General Assembly, Resolution 37/123, adopted between 16 and 20 December 1982. Archived 29 April 2012 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 4 January 2010. (If link doesn't work, try: U.N.→ welcome → documents → General Assembly Resolutions → 1982 → 37/123.) ^ Voting Summary U.N. General Assembly Resolution 37/123D. Archived 4 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 4 January 2010, ^ Leo Kuper, "Theoretical Issues Relating to Genocide: Uses and Abuses", in George J. Andreopoulos, Genocide: Conceptual and Historical Dimensions, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997, ISBN 0-8122-1616-4, p. 37. ^ Schabas, William (2009). Genocide
Genocide
in International Law: The Crime of Crimes. Cambridge University Press. p. 455. ISBN 978-0521719001.  ^ a b MacBride, Seán; Asmal, A. K.; Bercusson, B.; Falk, R. A.; de la Pradelle, G.; Wild, S. (1983). Israel
Israel
in Lebanon: The Report of International Commission to enquire into reported violations of International Law by Israel
Israel
during its invasion of the Lebanon. London: Ithaca Press. p. 191. ISBN 0-903729-96-2. 

References

 This article incorporates public domain material from the Library of Congress Country Studies website http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/. Chomsky, Noam (1983). The Fateful Triangle: the United States, Israel and the Palestinians. South End Press. ISBN 0-89608-187-7.  Cobban, H. (1984). The Palestinian Liberation Organization: People, Power and Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-27216-5.  Fisk, Robert (2001). Pity the Nation: Lebanon
Lebanon
at War. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-280130-2.  Friedman, Thomas (2006). From Beirut
Beirut
to Jerusalem. New York: Anchor Books. ISBN 0-385-41372-6.  Herzog, Chaim; Gazit, Shlomo
Gazit, Shlomo
(2005). The Arab-Israeli Wars: War and Peace in the Middle East. Vintage Books. p. 560. ISBN 1-4000-7963-2.  Maoz, Zeev (2006). Defending the Holy Land: A Critical Analysis of Israel's Security and Foreign Policy. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-115402.  Morris, Benny (1999). Righteous Victims. Alfred A. Knopf, New York. p. 768. ISBN 0-679-42120-3.  Rabinovich, Abraham (2004). The Yom Kippur War: The Epic Encounter That Transformed the Middle East. Schocken Books. ISBN 978-0805211245.  Reagan, Ronald (2007). Douglas Brinkley, ed. The Reagan Diaries. Harper Collins. ISBN 978-0-06-087600-5.  Sayigh, Y. (1999). Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement, 1949–1993. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-829643-6.  Schiff, Ze'ev; Ya'ari, Ehud (1984). Israel's Lebanon
Lebanon
War. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-671-47991-1.  Seale, Patrick (1989). Asad: The Struggle for Syria. University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-06667-7.  Shlaim, Avi (1999). The Iron Wall: Israel
Israel
and the Arab world. Norton. ISBN 0-393-04816-0.  Shlaim, Avi (2007). Lion of Jordan; The life of King Hussein in War and Peace. Allen Lane. ISBN 978-0-7139-9777-4.  Bryce Walker & the editors of Time-Life books (1983). Fighting Jets: The Epic of Flight. Time Life Books. ISBN 978-0809433629. 

Further reading

Barzilai, Gad (1996). Wars, Internal Conflicts, and Political Order: A Jewish Democracy in the Middle East. New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-2944-0.  Bregman, Ahron (2002). Israel's Wars: A History Since 1947. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-28716-2.  Brzoska, M.; Pearson, F. S. (1994). Arms and Warfare: Escalation, De-Escalation, and Negotiation. University of South Carolina Press. ISBN 0-87249-982-0.  Gilbert, Martin (1998). Israel: A History. London: Black Swan. ISBN 0-688-12362-7.  Harkabi, Y. (1989). Israel's Fateful Hour. New York, NY: Harper & Row. ISBN 0-06-091613-3.  Penslar, Derek J. (2007). Israel
Israel
in History; The Jewish state in comparative perspective. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-40036-8.  Sela, Avraham (editor) (2002). "Arab-Israeli Conflict". The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. New York: Continuum. ISBN 978-0-8264-1413-7. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to 1982 Lebanon
Lebanon
War.

Lebanese Civil War
Lebanese Civil War
1982 A detailed account of 1982 Lebanon
Lebanon
War – From Ariel Sharon's biography 1978 Israel
Israel
Lebanon
Lebanon
Conflict by Ynetnews Ex-spymaster: First Lebanon
Lebanon
War was Mossad success, despite Sabra and Chatila By Nachik Navot, Haaretz

v t e

Israeli wars and conflicts

Arab–Israeli War (1948–49) Reprisal operations (1951–56) Suez Crisis
Suez Crisis
(1956) Six-Day War
Six-Day War
(1967) War of Attrition
War of Attrition
(1967–70) Yom Kippur War
Yom Kippur War
(1973) Operation Litani
Operation Litani
(1978) First Lebanon
Lebanon
War (1982–85) South Lebanon
Lebanon
conflict (1985–2000) First Intifada
First Intifada
(1987–93) Second Intifada
Second Intifada
(2000–05) Second Lebanon
Lebanon
War (2006) Gaza War (2008–09) Operation Pillar of Defense
Operation Pillar of Defense
(2012) Israel–Gaza conflict (2014)

v t e

Arab–Israeli conflict

v t e

Countries Authorities Organizations

Primary countries and authorities

All-Palestine Egypt Hamas
Hamas
Gaza Iraq Kuwait Israel Jordan Lebanon Pakistan Palestinian National Authority Saudi Arabia Syria

Organizations

Active

Abu Nidal
Abu Nidal
Organization Amal al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades Syrian Social Nationalist Party Arab League Arab Liberation Front Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine Fatah Guardians of the Cedars Hamas Hezbollah Jaish al-Islam Kataeb Lebanese Forces al-Mourabitoun Muslim Brotherhood Palestinian Islamic Jihad Palestine Liberation Front Palestine Liberation Organization Palestinian Popular Struggle Front Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
– General Command Popular Resistance Committees as-Sa'iqa

Inactive or former

Arab Higher Committee Arab Liberation Army Black Hand Black September Haganah Holy War Army Irgun
Irgun
(Etzel) Japanese Red Army Lehi Palmach Revolutionary Cells South Lebanon
Lebanon
Army

Other countries

Algeria China Cuba France Iran Kuwait Libya Morocco North Korea Norway Pakistan Russia Sudan Tunisia Turkey Uganda United Arab Emirates United Kingdom United States Venezuela Yemen

Transnational

European Union United Nations

Former states

Mandatory Palestine Soviet Union United Arab Republic

v t e

Armed engagements

Background

1920 Battle of Tel Hai 1936–39 Arab revolt 1944 Operation ATLAS 1947–48 Civil War in Mandatory Palestine

1948–1950s

1948–49 Arab–Israeli War 1950s Palestinian Fedayeen attacks (Reprisal operations) 1956 Suez Crisis

1960s

1966 Operation Shredder 1967 Six-Day War 1967–70 War of Attrition

1968 Battle of Karameh

Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon

1968 Operation Gift

1970s–1980

1973 Yom Kippur War

Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon

1972 Operation Isotope / Lod Airport massacre / Munich Olympics massacre 1972–79  Operation Wrath of God (Airstrike, Spring of Youth) 1973 Libyan Arab Airlines Flight 114 1974 Ma'alot massacre 1975 Savoy Operation 1976 Operation Entebbe 1978 Coastal Road massacre / Operation Litani 1980 Misgav Am hostage crisis

1980s

1981 Operation Opera 1982  Lebanon
Lebanon
War 1982–2000 South Lebanon
Lebanon
conflict 1984 Bus 300 affair 1985 Operation Wooden Leg 1987–93 First Intifada

1988 Mothers' Bus rescue / Tunis raid

1990s

1992 Operation Bramble Bush 1993–2008 Palestinian suicide attacks 1993 Operation Accountability 1996 Operation Grapes of Wrath

2000s

2000–05 Al-Aqsa Intifada (Second Intifada) 2000–06  Shebaa Farms
Shebaa Farms
conflict 2001–present Rocket and mortar attacks on southern Israel 2003 Ain es Saheb airstrike 2006 Operation Bringing Home the Goods / Operation Summer Rains / Operation Autumn Clouds / Lebanon
Lebanon
War 2006–present Gaza– Israel
Israel
conflict

2007–08 Operation Hot Winter 2008–09 Gaza War

2007–present Lebanese rocket attacks

2010s

2010 Adaisseh skirmish / Palestinian militancy campaign Gaza– Israel
Israel
conflict

2011 Southern Israel
Israel
cross-border attacks 2012 Operation Returning Echo / Operation Pillar of Defense 2014 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict 2015  Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
(2015–2016)

v t e

Diplomacy and peace proposals

To 1948

1914  Damascus
Damascus
Protocol 1915 McMahon–Hussein Correspondence 1916 Sykes–Picot Agreement 1917 Balfour Declaration 1918 Declaration to the Seven / Anglo-French Declaration 1919 Faisal–Weizmann Agreement 1920 San Remo conference 1922 Churchill White Paper 1937 Peel Commission 1939 White Paper 1947 UN Partition Plan 1948 American trusteeship proposal

1948–91

1948 UN General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution 194 1949 Armistice agreements / Lausanne Conference 1950  Tripartite Declaration 1964 Palestinian National Covenant 1967 Khartoum Resolution / UN Security Council
Security Council
(UNSC) Resolution 242 1973 UNSC Resolution 338 / UNSC Resolution 339 1974 Israel– Syria
Syria
disengagement agreement / UNSC Resolution 350 1978 UNSC Resolution 425 / Camp David Accords 1979 UNSC Resolution 446 / Egypt– Israel
Israel
Peace Treaty / UNSC Resolution 452 1980 UNSC Resolution 478 1981 UNSC Resolution 497 1983 Israel– Lebanon
Lebanon
agreement

1991–present

1991 Madrid Conference 1993 Oslo Accords 1994 Gaza–Jericho Agreement / Israel– Jordan
Jordan
peace treaty 1995 Beilin-Abu Mazen agreement 1998 Wye River Memorandum 1999 Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum 2000 Camp David Summit / Clinton Parameters 2001 Taba Summit 2002  Beirut
Beirut
Summit and peace initiative / Road map 2003 Geneva Initiative 2004 UNSC Resolution 1559 / UNSC Resolution 1566 2005 UNSC Resolution 1583 / Sharm el-Sheikh Summit / Israeli disengagement from Gaza / Agreement on Movement and Access 2006 UNSC Resolution 1701 2007 Annapolis Conference 2010 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks 2013 Israeli–Pales

.