ÉAMON DE VALERA (/ˈeɪmən dɛvəˈlɛrə/ ; Irish pronunciation:
; first registered as GEORGE DE VALERO; changed some time before 1901
to EDWARD DE VALERA; 14 October 1882 – 29 August 1975) was a
prominent politician and statesman in 20th-century
Ireland . His
political career spanned over half a century, from 1917 to 1973; he
served several terms as head of government and head of state . He also
led the introduction of the
De Valera was a commander in the
1916 Easter Rising , a political
leader in the War of Independence and of the anti-Treaty opposition in
Irish Civil War (1922–1923). After leaving
Sinn Féin in
1926 due to its policy of abstentionism , he founded
Fianna Fáil ,
and was head of government (President of the Executive Council , later
Taoiseach ) from 1932 to 1948, 1951 to 1954, and 1957 to 1959, when he
resigned after being elected as
President of Ireland . His political
creed evolved from militant republicanism to social and cultural
Assessments of de Valera's career have varied; he has often been
characterised as a stern, unbending, devious, and divisive Irish
Tim Pat Coogan sees his time in power as being
characterised by economic and cultural stagnation, while Diarmaid
Ferriter argues that the stereotype of de Valera as an austere, cold
and even backward figure was largely manufactured in the 1960s and is
* 1 Early life
* 2 Early political activity
President of Dáil Éireann
* 5 President of the Republic
* 7 Civil War
* 8 Founding of
Fianna Fáil and entry into Free State Dáil
* 9 President of the Executive Council
* 10 De Valera\'s new constitution
* 11 Catholic social policy
Anglo-Irish Trade Agreement
* 12.2 The Emergency (World War II)
* 13 Post–war period: Taoiseach/Opposition Leader
* 13.1 Opposition Leader, 1948–51
* 13.2 Taoiseach, 1951–54 and 1957–59
President of Ireland
* 15 Death
* 16 Overview
* 17 In popular culture
* 18 Governments
* 19 See also
* 20 Notes
* 21 References
* 22 Further reading
* 22.1 Historiography
* 23 External links
Éamon de Valera
Éamon de Valera was born on 14 October 1882 in
New York City
New York City , the
Catherine Coll —an Irishwoman originally from
Bruree , County
Limerick —and Juan Vivion de Valera, described on the birth
certificate as an artist born in Spain. His parents were reportedly
married on 18 September 1881 at St Patrick's Church in Jersey City,
New Jersey , but archivists have not located any such marriage
certificate or any birth, baptismal, or death certificate information
for anyone called Juan
Vivion de Valera (nor for "de Valeros", an
alternative spelling). On de Valera's original birth certificate, his
name is given as GEORGE DE VALERO and his father is listed as Vivion
de Valero. Although he was known as EDWARD DE VALERA before 1901, a
fresh birth certificate was issued in 1910, in which his first name
was officially changed to EDWARD and his father's surname given as "de
Valera". As a child, he was known as "EDDIE" or "EDDY".
According to Coll, Juan Vivion died in 1885 leaving Coll and her
child in poor circumstances. Éamon was taken to
Ireland by his uncle
Ned at the age of two. Even when his mother married a new husband in
the mid-1880s, he was not brought back to live with her, but was
reared instead by his grandmother, Elizabeth Coll, her son Patrick and
her daughter Hannie, in County Limerick. He was educated locally at
Bruree National School,
County Limerick and
C.B.S. Charleville ,
County Cork. Aged sixteen, he won a scholarship. He was not successful
in enrolling at two colleges in Limerick, but was accepted at
Blackrock College , Dublin, at the instigation of his local curate.
He played rugby at Blackrock, and later, during his tenure at
Rockwell College , he joined the school's rugby team where he played
fullback on the first team, which reached the final of the Munster
Senior Cup. De Valera went on to play for the
Munster rugby team
around 1905 in the fullback position. He remained a lifelong devotee
of rugby, attending numerous international matches up to and towards
the end of his life despite near blindness. He told the British
Ambassador in 1967, "For my part, I have always preferred rugby."
Always a diligent student, at the end of his first year in Blackrock
College he was Student of the Year. He also won further scholarships
and exhibitions and in 1903 was appointed teacher of mathematics at
Rockwell College ,
County Tipperary . It was here that de Valera was
first given the nickname "Dev" by a teaching colleague, Tom O'Donnell.
In 1904, he graduated in mathematics from the Royal University of
Ireland . He then studied for a year at Trinity College
owing to the necessity of earning a living, did not proceed further
and returned to teaching, this time at
Belvedere College . In 1906,
he secured a post as teacher of mathematics at Carysfort Teachers\'
Training College for women in Blackrock , County Dublin. His
applications for professorships in colleges of the National University
Ireland were unsuccessful, but he obtained a part-time appointment
Maynooth and also taught mathematics at various
Castleknock College (1910–1911; under the name Edward de
Valera) and Belvedere College.
There were occasions when de Valera seriously contemplated the
religious life like his half-brother, Fr Thomas Wheelwright, but
ultimately he did not pursue this vocation. As late as 1906, when he
was 24 years old, he approached the President of Clonliffe Seminary in
Dublin for advice on his vocation. De Valera was throughout his life
portrayed as a deeply religious man, who in death asked to be buried
in a religious habit. His biographer,
Tim Pat Coogan , speculated that
questions surrounding de Valera's legitimacy may have been a deciding
factor in his not entering religious life. Being illegitimate would
have been a bar to receiving priestly orders, but not to becoming a
lay member of a religious order .
As a young Gaeilgeoir (Irish speaker), de Valera became an activist
for the language. In 1908 he joined the Árdchraobh of Conradh na
Gaeilge (the Gaelic League), where he met Sinéad Flanagan , a teacher
by profession and four years his senior. They were married on 8
January 1910 at St Paul's Church, Arran Quay,
De Valera fathered five sons: Vivion (1910–82), Éamon (1913–86),
Brian (1915–36), Rúaidhrí (1916–78), and Terence (Terry;
1922–2007); and two daughters: Máirín (1912–84) and Emer
(1918–2012). Brian de Valera predeceased his parents.
EARLY POLITICAL ACTIVITY
While he was already involved in the
Gaelic Revival , de Valera's
involvement in the political revolution began on 25 November 1913 when
he joined the
Irish Volunteers formed to oppose the Ulster Volunteers
and ensure the enactment of the
Irish Parliamentary Party 's Third
Home Rule Act won by its leader
John Redmond . After the outbreak of
World War I in August 1914, de Valera rose through the ranks and it
was not long before he was elected captain of the Donnybrook company.
Preparations were pushed ahead for an armed revolt, and he was made
commandant of the Third Battalion and adjutant of the
He took part in the
Howth gun-running . He was sworn by Thomas
MacDonagh into the oath-bound
Irish Republican Brotherhood , which
secretly controlled the central executive of the Volunteers. He
opposed secret societies, but this was the only way he could be
guaranteed full information on plans for the Rising.
On 24 April 1916, the
Easter Rising began. Forces commanded by de
Valera occupied Boland\'s Mill on Grand Canal Street in Dublin. His
chief task was to cover the southeastern approaches to the city. After
a week of fighting, the order came from
Pádraig Pearse to surrender.
De Valera was court-martialled, convicted, and sentenced to death, but
the sentence was immediately commuted to penal servitude for life.
De Valera was the only commandant of a battalion who was not
executed. It has been argued that his life was saved by four facts.
First, he was one of the last to surrender and he was held in a
different prison from other leaders, thus his execution was delayed by
practicalities. Second, the US Consulate in
representations before his trial (i.e., was he actually a United
States citizen and if so, how would the United States react to the
execution of one of its citizens?) while the full legal situation was
clarified. The UK was trying to bring the US into the war in Europe at
the time, making the situation even more uncertain, though this did
not prevent the execution of Tom Clarke who had been a naturalised
American citizen since 1905. Third, when Lt-Gen Sir John Maxwell
reviewed his case he said, "Who is he? I haven't heard of him before.
I wonder would he be likely to make trouble in the future?" On being
told that de Valera was unimportant, he commuted the court-martial's
death sentence to life imprisonment. De Valera had no
or personal background and his
MI5 file in 1916 was very slim,
detailing only his open membership in the
Irish Volunteers . Fourth,
by the time de Valera was court-martialled on 8 May, political
pressure was being brought to bear on Maxwell to halt the executions;
Maxwell had already told the Prime Minister
H. H. Asquith that only
two more were to be executed,
Seán Mac Diarmada and
James Connolly ,
although they were court-martialled the day after de Valera. His late
trial, representations made by the American Consulate, his lack of
Fenian background and political pressure all combined to save his
life, though had he been tried a week earlier he would probably have
been shot. The
Kilmainham Gaol cell of Éamon de Valera.
De Valera's supporters and detractors argue about his bravery during
the Easter Rising. His supporters claim he showed leadership skills
and a capacity for meticulous planning. His detractors claim he
suffered a nervous breakdown during the Rising. According to accounts
from 1916, de Valera was seen running about, giving conflicting
orders, refusing to sleep and on one occasion, having forgotten the
password, almost getting himself shot in the dark by his own men.
According to one account, de Valera, on being forced to sleep by one
subordinate who promised to sit beside him and wake him if he was
needed, suddenly woke up, his eyes "wild", screaming, "Set fire to the
railway! Set fire to the railway!" Later in the Ballykinlar internment
Camp, one de Valera loyalist approached another internee, a medical
doctor, recounted the story, and asked for a medical opinion as to de
Valera's condition. He also threatened to sue the doctor, future Fine
Teachta Dála (TD) and minister, Dr. Tom O\'Higgins , if he ever
repeated the story. The British reportedly, however, considered de
Valera's forces the best-trained and best-led among the rebels. De
Valera's latest biographer, Anthony J. Jordan, writes of this
controversy, "Whatever happened in Boland's Mills, or any other
garrison, does not negate or undermine in any way the extraordinary
heroism of "DEV" and his comrades".
After imprisonment in Dartmoor , Maidstone and Lewes prisons, de
Valera and his comrades were released under an amnesty in June 1917.
On 10 July 1917 he was elected member of the House of Commons for East
Clare (the constituency which he represented until 1959) in a
by-election caused by the death of the previous incumbent Willie
Redmond , brother of the Irish Party Leader
John Redmond who had died
fighting in World War I. In the 1918 general election he was elected
both for that seat and Mayo East . Because most other Irish rebellion
leaders were dead, in 1917 he was elected president of
Sinn Féin ,
the party which had been blamed incorrectly for provoking the Easter
Rising. This party became the political vehicle through which the
survivors of the
Easter Rising channeled their republican ethos and
objectives. The previous president of Sinn Féin,
Arthur Griffith ,
had championed an Anglo-Irish dual-monarchy based on the
Austro-Hungarian model, with independent legislatures for both Ireland
PRESIDENT OF DáIL ÉIREANN
Éamon de Valera
(1919 – Aug 1921)
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC
Éamon de Valera
(Aug 1921 – Jan 1922)
President of the
W. T. Cosgrave
Sinn Féin won a huge majority in the 1918 general election , largely
thanks to the British executions of the 1916 leaders, the threat of
conscription with the
Conscription Crisis of 1918 and the
first-past-the-post ballot. They won 73 out of 105 Irish seats, with
about 47% of votes cast. 25 seats were uncontested. On 21 January
Sinn Féin MPs (the rest were imprisoned or impaired),
calling themselves Teachtaí Dála (TDs), assembled in the Mansion
Dublin and formed an Irish parliament, known as Dáil
Éireann (translatable into English as the Assembly of Ireland). A
Aireacht was formed, under the leadership of the Príomh
Aire (also called
President of Dáil Éireann )
Cathal Brugha . De
Valera had been re-arrested in May 1918 and imprisoned and so could
not attend the January session of the Dáil. He escaped from Lincoln
Gaol , England in February 1919. As a result he replaced Brugha as
Príomh Aire in the April session of Dáil Éireann.
In the hope of securing international recognition, Seán T. O\'Kelly
was sent as envoy to Paris to present the Irish case to the Peace
Conference convened by the great powers at the end of World War I.
When it became clear by May 1919 that this mission could not succeed,
de Valera decided to visit the United States. The mission had three
objectives: to ask for official recognition of the
Irish Republic , to
float a loan to finance the work of the Government (and by extension,
the Irish Republican Army ), and to secure the support of the American
people for the republic. His visit lasted from June 1919 to December
1920 and had mixed success. One negative outcome was the splitting of
Irish-American organisations into pro- and anti-de Valera
factions. He met the young Harvard-educated leader from
Puerto Rico ,
Pedro Albizu Campos , and forged a lasting and useful alliance with
De Valera managed to raise $5,500,000 from American supporters, an
amount that far exceeded the hopes of the Dáil. Of this, $500,000
was devoted to the American presidential campaign in 1920, helping him
gain wider public support there. In 1921 it was said that $1,466,000
had already been spent, and it is unclear when the net balance arrived
in Ireland. Recognition was not forthcoming in the international
sphere. He also had difficulties with various
John Devoy and Judge
Daniel F. Cohalan , who resented the
dominant position he established, preferring to retain their control
over Irish affairs in the United States.
Meanwhile in Ireland, conflict between the British authorities and
the Dáil (which the British declared illegal in September 1919)
escalated into the
Irish War of Independence . De Valera left
day-to-day government, during his eighteen-month absence in America,
to Michael Collins , his 29-year-old Minister for Finance . De Valera
and Collins would later become opponents during the Irish Civil War.
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC
In January 1921, at his first Dáil meeting after his return to a
country gripped by the War of Independence, de Valera introduced a
motion calling on the IRA to desist from ambushes and other tactics
that were allowing the British to successfully portray it as a
terrorist group, and to take on the British forces with conventional
military methods. This they strongly opposed, and de Valera relented,
issuing a statement expressing support for the IRA, and claimed it was
fully under the control of the Dáil. He then, along with Cathal
Austin Stack , brought pressure to bear on Michael Collins
to undertake a journey to the U.S. himself, on the pretext that only
he could take up where de Valera had left off. Collins successfully
resisted this move, and stayed in Ireland. In the elections of May
1921 , all candidates in Southern
Ireland were returned unopposed, and
Sinn Féin secured some seats in Northern
Ireland . Following the
Truce of July 1921 that ended the war, de Valera went to see David
Lloyd George in London on 14 July. No agreement was reached, and by
then the parliament of Northern
Ireland had already met. It became
clear that neither a republic, nor independence for all 32 counties,
were going to be offered; Lloyd George told de Valera he could "put a
Ireland for every man, woman and child in it" if the IRA
did not immediately agree to stop fighting. In August 1921, de Valera
Dáil Éireann approval to change the 1919 Dáil Constitution
to upgrade his office from prime minister or chairman of the cabinet
to a full President of the Republic . Declaring himself now the Irish
equivalent of King
George V , he argued that as Irish head of state,
in the absence of the British head of state from the negotiations, he
too should not attend the peace conference called the Treaty
Negotiations (October–December 1921) at which British and Irish
government leaders agreed to the effective independence of twenty-six
of Ireland's thirty-two counties as the
Irish Free State
Irish Free State , with
Ireland choosing to remain under British sovereignty. It is
generally agreed by historians that whatever his motives, it was a
mistake for de Valera not to have travelled to London.
Having effected these changes, a boundary commission came into place
to redraw the Irish border. Nationalists expected its report to
recommend that largely nationalist areas become part of the Free
State, and many hoped this would make Northern
Ireland so small it
would not be economically viable. A Council of
Ireland was also
provided in the Treaty as a model for an eventual all-Irish
parliament. Hence neither the pro- nor anti-Treaty sides made much
complaint about partition in the
Treaty Debates .
The Republic's delegates to the Treaty Negotiations were accredited
by President de Valera and his cabinet as plenipotentiaries (that is,
negotiators with the legal authority to sign a treaty without
reference back to the cabinet), but were given secret cabinet
instructions by de Valera that required them to return to Dublin
before signing the Treaty. The Treaty proved controversial in Ireland
insofar as it replaced the Republic by a dominion of the British
Commonwealth with the King represented by a Governor-General of the
Irish Free State
Irish Free State . The Irish Treaty delegates
Arthur Griffith , Robert
Barton , and Michael Collins supported by
Robert Erskine Childers as
Secretary General set up their delegation headquarters at 22 Hans
Knightsbridge . It was there, at 11.15am on 5 December 1921,
that the decision was made to recommend the Treaty to
Dáil Éireann ;
the Treaty was finally signed by the delegates after further
negotiations which closed at 02:20 on 6 December 1921.
De Valera balked at the agreement. His opponents claimed that he had
refused to join the negotiations because he knew what the outcome
would be and did not wish to receive the blame. De Valera claimed that
he had not gone to the treaty negotiations because he would be better
able to control the extremists at home, and that his absence would
allow leverage for the plenipotentiaries to refer back to him and not
be pressured into any agreements. Because of the secret instructions
given to the plenipotentiaries, he reacted to news of the signing of
the Treaty not with anger at its contents (which he refused even to
read when offered a newspaper report of its contents), but with anger
over the fact that they had not consulted with him, their president,
before signing. His ideal drafts, presented to a secret session of the
Dáil during the
Treaty Debates and publicised in January 1922, were
ingenious compromises but they included dominion status, the Treaty
Ports, the fact of partition subject to veto by the parliament in
Belfast, and some continuing status for the King as head of the
Commonwealth. Ireland's share of the imperial debt was to be paid.
After the Treaty was narrowly ratified by 64 to 57, de Valera and a
large minority of
Sinn Féin TDs left Dáil Éireann. He then resigned
Arthur Griffith was elected
President of Dáil Éireann in his
place, though respectfully still calling him 'The President'. On a
speaking tour of the more republican province of
Munster , starting on
17 March 1922, de Valera made controversial speeches at Carrick on
Suir , Lismore ,
Waterford , saying that: "If the Treaty
were accepted, the fight for freedom would still go on, and the Irish
people, instead of fighting foreign soldiers, will have to fight the
Irish soldiers of an Irish government set up by Irishmen." At Thurles
, several days later, he repeated this imagery and added that the IRA:
"..would have to wade through the blood of the soldiers of the Irish
Government, and perhaps through that of some members of the Irish
Government to get their freedom." In a letter to the Irish Independent
on 23 March de Valera accepted the accuracy of their report of his
comment about "wading" through blood, but deplored that the newspaper
had published it.
De Valera objected to the statement of fidelity that the treaty
required Irish parliamentarians to take an oath of allegiance to the
King. He also was concerned that
Ireland could not have an independent
foreign policy as part of the British Commonwealth when the British
retained several naval ports (see Treaty Ports ) around Ireland's
coast. As a compromise, de Valera proposed "external association "
with the British Empire, which would leave Ireland's foreign policy in
her own hands and a republican constitution with no mention of the
British monarch (he proposed this as early as April, well before the
negotiations began, under the title "Document No. 2"). Michael Collins
was prepared to accept this formula and the two wings (pro- and
Sinn Féin formed a pact to fight the Irish general
election, 1922 together and form a coalition government afterwards.
Collins later called off the pact on the eve of the election. De
Valera's opponents won the election and civil war broke out shortly
afterwards in late June 1922.
Irish Civil War
Relations between the new Irish government, which was backed by most
of the Dáil and the electorate, and the anti-Treatyites under the
nominal leadership of de Valera, now descended into the Irish Civil
War (June 1922 to May 1923), in which the pro-treaty Free State forces
defeated the anti-Treaty IRA. Both sides had wanted to avoid civil
war, but fighting broke out over the takeover of the Four Courts
Dublin by anti-Treaty members of the IRA. These men were
not loyal to de Valera and initially were not even supported by the
executive of the anti-Treaty IRA. However, Michael Collins was forced
to act against them when
Winston Churchill threatened to re-occupy the
country with British troops unless action was taken. When fighting
broke out in
Dublin between the
Four Courts garrison and the new Free
State army, republicans backed the IRA men in the
Four Courts and
civil war broke out. De Valera, though he held no military position,
backed the anti-Treaty IRA or "Irregulars" and said that he was
re-enlisting in the IRA as an ordinary volunteer. On 8 September 1922,
he met in secret with
Richard Mulcahy in Dublin, to try to halt the
fighting. However, according to de Valera, they "could not find a
basis" for agreement.
Though nominally head of the anti-Treatyites, de Valera had little
influence. He does not seem to have been involved in any fighting and
had little or no influence with the military republican leadership -
headed by IRA Chief of Staff, Liam Lynch . De Valera and the
anti-Treaty TDs formed a "republican government " on 25 October 1922
from anti-Treaty TDs to "be temporarily the Supreme Executive of the
Republic and the State, until such time as the elected Parliament of
the Republic can freely assemble, or the people being rid of external
aggression are at liberty to decide freely how they are to be
governed". However it had no real authority and was a pale shadow of
the republican Dáil government of 1919–21, which had provided an
alternative government to the British administration.
In March 1923, de Valera attended the meeting of the IRA Army
Executive to decide on the future of the war. He was known to be in
favour of a truce but he had no voting rights and it was narrowly
decided to continue hostilities. The leader of the Free State, W. T.
Cosgrave , insisted that there could be no acceptance of a surrender
On 30 May 1923, the IRA's new Chief of Staff
Frank Aiken (Lynch had
been killed) called a ceasefire and ordered volunteers to "dump arms".
De Valera, who had wanted an end to the internecine fighting for some
time, backed the ceasefire order with a message in which he called the
anti-Treaty fighters "the Legion of the Rearguard", saying that "The
Republic can no longer be successfully defended by your arms. Further
sacrifice on your part would now be in vain and the continuance of the
struggle in arms unwise in the national interest and prejudicial to
the future of our cause. Military victory must be allowed to rest for
the moment with those who have destroyed the Republic. Other means
must be sought to safeguard the nation's right."
After this point many of the republicans were arrested in Free State
"round ups" when they had come out of hiding and returned home. De
Valera remained in hiding for several months after the ceasefire was
declared; however, he emerged in August to stand for election in
County Clare . Making a campaign appearance in
Ennis on 15 August, de
Valera was arrested on the platform and interned at
Arbour Hill prison
FOUNDING OF FIANNA FáIL AND ENTRY INTO FREE STATE DáIL
After the IRA dumped their arms rather than surrender them or
continue a now fruitless war, de Valera returned to political methods.
In 1924 he was arrested in
Newry for "illegally entering Northern
Ireland" and held in solitary confinement for a month in Crumlin Road
During this time, de Valera came to believe that abstentionism was
not a workable tactic in the long term. He now believed that a better
course would be to try to gain power and turn the Free State from a
constitutional monarchy into a republic. He tried to convince the Sinn
Féin party to accept this new line. However, a vote to accept the
Constitution (contingent on the abolition of the Oath of
Allegiance ) narrowly failed. Soon afterward, de Valera resigned from
the presidency of the party and in March 1926, with
Seán Lemass ,
Constance Markievicz and others, formed a new party,
Fianna Fáil (The
Warriors of Destiny), a party that was to dominate 20th-century Irish
Sinn Féin still held to an abstentionist line, Fianna
Fáil was dedicated to republicanising the Free State from within if
it gained power.
The new party made swift electoral gains in the 1927 general election
, taking much of Sinn Féin's previous support. It won 44 seats to
Sinn Féin's five. It refused to take the Oath of Allegiance
(portrayed by opponents as an 'Oath of Allegiance to the Crown' but
actually an Oath of Allegiance to the
Irish Free State
Irish Free State with a
secondary promise of fidelity to the King in his role in the Treaty
The oath was largely the work of Michael Collins and based on three
sources: British oaths in the dominions, the oath of the Irish
Republican Brotherhood and a draft oath prepared by de Valera in his
proposed Treaty alternative, "Document No. 2"). De Valera began a
legal case to challenge the requirement that members of his party take
the Oath, but the assassination of the Vice-President of the Executive
Council (deputy prime minister) Kevin O\'Higgins led the Executive
W. T. Cosgrave to introduce a Bill requiring all Dáil
candidates to promise on oath that if they were elected they would
take the Oath of Allegiance. Forced into a corner, and faced with the
option of staying outside politics forever or taking the oath and
entering, de Valera and his TDs took the Oath of Allegiance in 1927,
though de Valera himself described the Oath as "an empty political
De Valera never organised
Fianna Fáil in Northern
Ireland and it was
not until 7 December 2007 that
Fianna Fáil was registered there by
UK Electoral Commission .
PRESIDENT OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL
In the 1932 general election
Fianna Fáil secured 72 seats and became
the largest party in the Dáil, although without a majority. Some
Fianna Fáil members arrived at the first sitting of the new Dáil
carrying arms, amid fears that
Cumann na nGaedheal would not
voluntarily surrender power. However, the transition was peaceful. De
Valera was appointed President of the Executive Council (Prime
Minister) by Governor-General
James McNeill on 7 March.
He at once initiated steps to fulfil his election promises to abolish
the oath and withhold land annuities owed to the UK for loans provided
Irish Land Acts and agreed as part of the 1921 Treaty. This
Anglo-Irish Trade War when the UK in retaliation imposed
economic sanctions against Irish exports. De Valera responded in kind
with levies on British imports. The ensuing "Economic War" lasted
After advising King
George V to dismiss McNeill as governor-general,
the King suggested McNeill instead carry on a while longer as viceroy
and then resign, which he did on 1 November 1932. Subsequently, a 1916
Domhnall Ua Buachalla , was appointed governor-general. To
strengthen his position against the opposition in the Dáil and
Seanad, de Valera directed the Governor-General to call a snap
election in January 1933 and de Valera's party won 77 seats, giving it
an overall majority. Under de Valera's leadership,
Fianna Fáil won
further general elections in 1937 , 1938 , 1943 , and 1944 .
De Valera took charge of Ireland's foreign policy as well by also
acting as Minister for External Affairs. In that capacity, he attended
meetings of the
League of Nations
League of Nations . He was president of the Council of
the League on his first appearance at
Geneva in 1932 and, in a speech
that made a worldwide impression, appealed for genuine adherence by
its members to the principles of the covenant of the league. In 1934,
he supported the admission of the
Soviet Union into the league. In
September 1938, he was elected nineteenth president of the Assembly of
the League, a tribute to the international recognition he had won by
his independent stance on world questions.
De Valera's government followed the policy of unilaterally
dismantling the treaty of 1921. In this way he would be pursuing
republican policies and lessening the popularity of republican
violence and the IRA. De Valera encouraged IRA members to join the
Irish Defence Forces and the Gardaí. He also refused to dismiss from
Cumann na nGaedheal , Cosgrave supporters, who had
previously opposed him during the Civil War. He did, however, dismiss
Eoin O\'Duffy from his position as Garda Commissioner after a year.
Eoin O'Duffy was then invited to be head of the Army Comrades
Association (ACA) formed to protect and promote the welfare of its
members, previously led by J.F O'Higgins,
Kevin O'Higgins brother.
This organisation was an obstacle to de Valera's power as it supported
Cumann na nGaedheal and provided stewards for their meetings. Cumann
na nGaedheal meetings were frequently disrupted by Fianna Fáil
supporters following the publication of the article: No Free Speech
for Traitors by Peadar O\'Donnell , an IRA member.
The ACA changed its name to the National Guard under O'Duffy and
adopted the uniform of black berets and blue shirts, using the
straight armed salute, and were nicknamed
The Blueshirts . They were
outwardly fascist and planned a march in August 1933 through
commemorate Michael Collins, Kevin O'Higgins, and Arthur Griffith.
This march struck parallels with Mussolini's march on Rome (1922), in
which he had created the image of having toppled the democratic
government in Rome. De Valera revived a military tribunal, which had
been set up by the previous administration, to deal with the matter.
O'Duffy backed down when the National Guard was declared an illegal
organisation and the march was banned. Within a few weeks, O'Duffy's
followers merged with
Cumann na nGaedhael and the Centre Party to form
United Ireland, or Fine Gael, and O'Duffy became its president.
Smaller local marches were scheduled for the following weeks, under
different names. Internal dissension set in when the party's TDs
distanced themselves from O'Duffy's extreme views, and his movement
DE VALERA\'S NEW CONSTITUTION
During the 1930s, de Valera had systematically stripped down the
Irish Free State
Irish Free State constitution that had been drafted by a committee
under the nominal chairmanship of his rival, Michael Collins . In
reality, de Valera had been able to do that only due to three reasons.
First, though the 1922 constitution originally required a public
plebiscite for any amendment beyond eight years after its passage, the
Free State government under
W. T. Cosgrave had amended that period to
sixteen years. This meant that, until 1938, the Free State
constitution could be amended by the simple passage of a
Constitutional Amendment Act through the
Oireachtas . Secondly, while
the Governor-General of the
Irish Free State
Irish Free State could reserve or deny
Royal Assent to any legislation, from 1927, the power to advise the
governor-general to do so no longer rested with the British government
in London but with His Majesty's Government in the Irish Free State,
which meant that, in practice, the
Royal Assent was automatically
granted to legislation; the government was hardly likely to advise the
governor-general to block the enactment of one of its own bills.
Thirdly, in theory the constitution had to be in keeping with the
provisions of the
Anglo-Irish Treaty , the fundamental law of the
state. However, that requirement had been removed only a short time
before de Valera gained power.
The Oath of Allegiance was abolished, as were appeals to the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council . The opposition-controlled Senate ,
when it protested and slowed down these measures, was also abolished.
In 1931, the British parliament had passed the Statute of Westminster
, which established the legislative equal status of the self-governing
Dominions of the then British Commonwealth , including the Irish Free
State, to one another and the United Kingdom. Though a few
constitutional links between the Dominions and the United Kingdom
remained, this is often seen as the moment at which the Dominions
became fully sovereign states.
De Valera, as his prime minister, wrote in July 1936 to King Edward
VIII in London indicating that he planned to introduce a new
constitution, the central part of which was to be the creation of an
office de Valera provisionally intended to call President of Saorstát
Éireann (Uachtarán Shaorstát Éireann), which would replace the
governorship-general. De Valera used the sudden abdication of Edward
VIII as king to pass two bills: one amended the constitution to remove
all mention of the monarch and governor-general, while the second
brought the monarch back, this time through statute law, for use in
Irish Free State
Irish Free State at diplomatic level. With the
implementation of the new constitution, named in Irish as Bunreacht na
hÉireann (meaning the
Ireland ), the title ultimately
given to the president was
President of Ireland (Uachtarán na
The constitution contained reforms and symbols intended to assert
Irish sovereignty. These included:
* a new name for the state, "
Éire " (in Irish) and "Ireland" (in
* a claim that the national territory was the entire island of
Ireland, thereby challenging Britain's partition settlement of 1921;
* the removal of references to the king of
Ireland and the
replacement of the monarch's representative, the governor-general,
with a popularly elected
President of Ireland , who takes "precedence
over all other persons in the State and who shall exercise and perform
the powers and functions conferred on the President by this
Constitution and by law";
* recognition of the "special position" of the Catholic Church;
* a recognition of the Catholic concept of marriage which excluded
civil divorce, even though civil marriage was retained;
* the declaration that the Irish language was the "national
language" and the first official language of the nation although
English was also included as "a" second official language;
* the use of Irish language terms to stress Irish cultural and
historical identity (e.g., Uachtarán, Taoiseach, Tánaiste, etc.)
Criticisms of some of the above constitutional reforms include that:
* the anti-partition articles needlessly antagonised Unionists in
Ireland , while simultaneously attracting criticism from
hardline republicans by recognising the de facto situation.
* similarly, the recognition of the "special position" of the
Catholic Church was inconsistent with the identity and aspirations of
northern Protestants (leading to its repeal in the 1970s ), while
simultaneously falling short of the demands of hardline Catholics for
Catholicism to be explicitly made the state religion.
* the affirmation of Irish as the national and primary official
language neither reflected contemporary realities nor led to the
* though the King was removed from the text of the constitution, he
retained a leading role in the state's foreign affairs, and the legal
position of the
President of Ireland was accordingly uncertain ; there
was also concern that the presidency would evolve into a dictatorial
* elements of Catholic social teaching incorporated into the text,
such as the articles on the role of women, the family and divorce,
were inconsistent both with the practice of the Protestant minority
and with contemporary liberal opinion
As Bew concludes, in the constitution of 1937, de Valera was "trying
to placate left-wing Republicans with national phrases and pious
people with expressly Catholic bits patriarchal Catholicism."
CATHOLIC SOCIAL POLICY
Éamon de Valera
Éamon de Valera led his party
Fianna Fáil to adopt conservative
social policies, since he believed devoutly that the Catholic church
and the family were central to Irish identity. He added clauses to the
Ireland (1937) to "guard with special care the
institution of marriage" and prohibit divorce. His constitution also
recognised "the special position" of the Catholic Church and
recognised other denominations including the Church of
Jewish congregations, while guaranteeing the religious freedom of all
citizens. However, he resisted an attempt to make Roman Catholicism
the state religion and his constitution forbids the establishment of a
state religion . His policies were welcomed by a largely devout,
conservative and rural electorate. The unenforceable articles in the
constitution which reinforced the traditional view that a woman's
place was in the home further illustrate the direction in which
Ireland was moving. An act of 1935 prohibited the importation or sale
of contraceptives. The most rigorous censorship laws in western Europe
complete the picture.
The specific recognition of Roman Catholicism was deleted by the
Fifth Amendment of the
Ireland (1973) and the
prohibition of divorce was removed by the Fifteenth Amendment of the
Ireland (1996). Nevertheless, the Irish Supreme Court
declared in 1973 that the 1935 contraception legislation was not
repugnant to the
Constitution and therefore remained valid.
Fianna Fáil having won the election held the same day as the
plebiscite that ratified the constitution, de Valera continued as
President of the Executive Council until 29 December 1937, when the
new constitution was enacted and his office automatically became that
of Taoiseach—a position with considerably more power, including the
authority to dismiss ministers individually and to request a
dissolution of the Dáil. In social policy, de Valera's first term as
Taoiseach saw the introduction (in 1947) of means-tested allowances
for people suffering from infectious diseases.
ANGLO-IRISH TRADE AGREEMENT
With the new constitution in place, de Valera determined that the
changed circumstances made swift resolution to Ireland's ongoing trade
war with the UK more desirable for both sides—as did the growing
probability of the outbreak of war across Europe. In April 1938, de
Valera and British Prime Minister
Neville Chamberlain signed the
Anglo-Irish Trade Agreement , lifting all duties imposed during the
previous five years and ending British use of the Treaty Ports it had
retained in accordance with the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The return of the
ports was of particular significance, since it ensured Irish
neutrality during the coming Second World War.
THE EMERGENCY (WORLD WAR II)
The Emergency (Ireland) and Irish neutrality during
World War II
By September 1939, a general European war was imminent. On 2
September, de Valera advised
Dáil Éireann that neutrality was the
best policy for the country. This policy had overwhelming political
and popular support, though some advocated Irish participation in the
War on the Allied side, while others, seeing "England's difficulty as
Ireland's Opportunity", were pro-German. Strong objections to
conscription in the North were voiced by de Valera. In June 1940, to
encourage the neutral Irish state to join with the Allies , Winston
Churchill indicated to de Valera that the United Kingdom would push
for Irish unity, but believing that Churchill could not deliver, de
Valera declined the offer. The British did not inform the Government
Ireland that they had made the offer to the Dublin
government, and De Valera's rejection was not publicised until 1970.
The government secured wide powers for the duration of the Emergency,
such as internment, censorship of the press and correspondence, and
the government control of the economy. The Emergency Powers Act lapsed
on 2 September 1946, though the State of Emergency declared under the
constitution was not lifted until the 1970s. This status remained
throughout the war, despite pressure from Chamberlain and Churchill.
However, de Valera did respond to a request from Northern
fire tenders to assist in fighting fires following the
Belfast Blitz .
Persistent claims that De Valera sent a personal note of
Subhas Chandra Bose
Subhas Chandra Bose upon his declaration of the Azad
Hind (Free India) government in 1943 have been shown to be
inaccurate, and largely a misrepresentation by Japanese consular staff
Dublin of a statement by a small and unofficial Republican group
unconnected to the Irish government.
Controversially, de Valera formally offered his condolences to the
German Minister in
Dublin on the death of
Adolf Hitler in 1945, in
accordance with diplomatic protocol. This did some damage to Ireland,
particularly in the United States – and soon afterwards de Valera
had a bitter exchange of words with
Winston Churchill in two famous
radio addresses after the end of the war in Europe.
POST–WAR PERIOD: TAOISEACH/OPPOSITION LEADER
OPPOSITION LEADER, 1948–51
After de Valera had spent sixteen years in power—without answering
the crucial questions of partition and republican status—the public
demanded a change from
Fianna Fáil government. In the 1948 election ,
de Valera lost the outright majority he'd enjoyed since 1933. It
initially looked like the National Labour Party would give Fianna
Fáil enough support to stay in office as a minority government, but
National Labour insisted on a formal coalition agreement—something
de Valera was unwilling to concede. However, while
Fianna Fáil was
six seats short of a majority, it was still by far the largest party
in the Dáil, with 37 more TDs than the next largest party, Fine Gael
(the successor to
Cumann na nGaedheal). Conventional wisdom held that
de Valera would remain
Taoiseach with the support of independents.
However, this was brought undone when the other parties realised that
if they banded together, they would have one seat fewer than Fianna
Fáil, and would be able to form a government with the support of at
least seven independents. The result was the First Inter-Party
Government , with compromise candidate
John A. Costello of Fine Gael
Taoiseach . Costello was duly nominated, consigning de Valera to
opposition for the first time in 16 years. The following year,
Ireland as a republic , leaving partition as the
most pressing political issue of the day.
De Valera, now leader of the opposition, left the actual
parliamentary practice of opposing the government to his deputy, Seán
Lemass , and himself embarked on a world campaign to address the issue
of partition. He visited the United States, Australia, New Zealand and
India, and in the latter country, was the last guest of the
Governor-General, Lord Mountbatten of Burma , before he was succeeded
by the first Indian-born Governor-General. In Melbourne, Australia,
de Valera was feted by the powerful Catholic Archbishop Daniel Mannix
, at the centenary celebrations of the diocese of Melbourne. He
attended mass-meetings at
Xavier College , and addressed the assembled
Melbourne Celtic Club . In October 1950, just thirty years after his
dramatic escape from Lincoln Gaol, he returned to Lincoln and received
the freedom of the gaol. The Anti-Partition of
Ireland League of
Great Britain marked the occasion with a dinner in his honour and the
toast was 'Anglo-Irish Friendship'. A key message in de Valera's
campaign was that
Ireland could not join the recently established
North Atlantic Treaty Organization as long as Northern
Ireland was in
British hands; although the coalition government favored alliance with
NATO, de Valera's approach won more widespread support and prevented
the state from signing onto the treaty.
TAOISEACH, 1951–54 AND 1957–59
Returning to Ireland, during the
Mother and Child Scheme crisis that
racked the First Inter-Party Government, de Valera kept a dignified
silence as Leader of the Opposition, preferring to stay aloof from the
controversy. That stance helped return de Valera to power in the 1951
general election , but without an overall majority. His and Fianna
Fáil's popularity was short-lived, however; his government introduced
severe, deflationary budgetary and economic policies in 1952, causing
a political backlash that cost
Fianna Fáil several seats in the Dáil
in by-elections of 1953 and early 1954. Faced with a likely loss of
confidence in the Dáil, de Valera instead called an election in May
1954, in which
Fianna Fáil was defeated and a Second Inter-Party
Government was formed with Costello again as Taoiseach.
On 16 September 1953 de Valera met Churchill for the first and only
time, at 10 Downing Street. (The two men had seen each other at a
party in 1949, but without speaking.) He surprised the UK Prime
Minister by claiming that if he had been in office in 1948 Ireland
would not have left the Commonwealth.
It was during this period that de Valera's eyesight began to
deteriorate and he was forced to spend several months in the
Netherlands, where he had six operations.
Like the first coalition government, the second lasted only three
years. At the general election of 1957, de Valera, then in his
seventy-fifth year, won an absolute majority of nine seats, the
greatest number he had ever secured. This was the beginning of another
sixteen-year period in office for Fianna Fáil. A new economic policy
emerged with the First Programme for Economic Expansion. In July 1957,
in response to the
Border Campaign (IRA) , Part II of the Offences
Against the State Act was re-activated and he ordered the internment
without trial of Republican suspects, an action which did much to end
the IRA's campaign.
De Valera's final term as
Taoiseach also saw the passage of numerous
reforms in health and welfare. In 1952, unemployment insurance was
extended to male agricultural employees, child allowances were
extended to the second child, and a maternity allowance for insured
women was introduced. A year later, eligibility for maternity and
child services and public hospital services was extended to circa 85%
of the population.
PRESIDENT OF IRELAND
Fianna Fáil remained popular among the electorate, 75-year-old
de Valera had begun to be seen by the electorate as too old and out of
touch to remain at the head of government. At the urging of party
officials, de Valera decided to retire from government and the Dáil
and instead seek the nonpolitical Presidency of
Ireland . He won the
presidential election on 17 June 1959 and resigned as Taoiseach,
Fianna Fáil and TD for Clare six days later, handing over
Seán Lemass .
De Valera was inaugurated President on 25 June 1959. He was
re-elected president in 1966 aged 84, until 2013 a world record for
the oldest elected head of state. At his retirement in 1973 at the
age of 90, he was the oldest head of state in the world.
As President, de Valera received many state visits, including the
1963 visit of American President
John F. Kennedy . Five months later
de Valera attended the state funeral for Kennedy in Washington, D.C.
and accompanied a group of 24 Defence Forces cadets who performed a
silent drill at his grave site. In June 1964 he returned to
Washington as the second
President of Ireland to address the United
States Congress .
In 1966 the
Dublin Jewish community arranged the planting and
dedication of the
Éamon de Valera Forest in Israel, near
in recognition of his consistent support for Ireland's Jews.
In January 1969, de Valera became the first President to address both
houses of the
Oireachtas , to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the
Dáil Éireann .
In 1969, seventy-three countries sent goodwill messages to
the historic first lunar landing. These messages still rest on the
lunar surface and de Valera's message on behalf of
"May God grant that the skill and courage which have enabled man to
alight upon the Moon will enable him, also, to secure peace and
happiness upon the Earth and avoid the danger of self-destruction."
Éamon de Valera's grave. His wife, Sinéad, and son, Brian (who
was killed in a horse-riding accident in 1936) are buried there also.
(Close up view of the gravestone )
Éamon de Valera
Éamon de Valera died from pneumonia and heart failure in Linden
Convalescent Home, Blackrock , County
Dublin , on 29 August 1975 aged
92. His wife,
Sinéad de Valera , four years his senior, had died the
previous January, on the eve of their 65th wedding anniversary. His
body lay in state at
Dublin Castle and was given a full state funeral
on 3 September at St Mary\'s Pro-Cathedral , which was broadcast on
national television. He is buried in Dublin's
Glasnevin Cemetery with
his wife and children.
In January 2017 his grave was vandalised. A man was arrested and
charged with criminal damage, the case being adjourned until June.
De Valera's political creed evolved from militant republicanism to
social and cultural conservatism.
Ireland's dominant political personality for many decades, de Valera
received numerous honours. He was elected Chancellor of the National
Ireland in 1921, holding the post until his death. Pope
John XXIII bestowed on him the Order of Christ . He received honorary
degrees from universities in
Ireland and abroad. In 1968 he was
Fellow of the Royal Society (FRS), a recognition of his
lifelong interest in mathematics. He also served as a member of the
Parliament of Northern
Ireland (for Down from 1921 to 1929 and for
South Down from 1933 to 1937), although he held to the Republican
policy of abstentionism and did not take his seat in Stormont . He
retired from the Presidency in June 1973, having served for fourteen
De Valera was criticised for ending up as co-owner of one of
Ireland's most influential group of newspapers, Irish Press Newspapers
, funded by numerous small investors who received no dividend for
decades. De Valera is alleged by critics to have helped keep Ireland
under the influence of Catholic conservatism, though that is
explained by the large role Catholicism has played in Irish history.
De Valera rejected, however, demands by organisations like Maria Duce
that Roman Catholicism be made the state religion of Ireland, just as
he rejected demands by the
Irish Christian Front for the Irish Free
State to support
Francisco Franco during the
Spanish Civil War
Spanish Civil War .
De Valera’s preoccupation with his part in history, and his need to
explain and justify it, are reflected in innumerable ways. His faith
in historians as trustworthy guardians of his reputation was not
absolute. He made many attempts to influence their views and to adjust
and refine the historical record whenever he felt this portrayed him,
his allies or his cause inaccurately or unfavourably to his mind,
these could often mean the same thing. He extended these endeavours to
encompass the larger Irish public. An important function of his
newspaper group, the Irish Press group, was to rectify what he saw as
the errors and omissions of a decade in which he had been the subject
of largely hostile commentary.
In recent decades, his role in Irish history has no longer been
unequivocally seen by historians as a positive one, and a biography by
Tim Pat Coogan alleges that his failures outweigh his achievements,
with de Valera's reputation declining while that of his great rival in
the 1920s, Michael Collins, is rising. The most recent work on de
Valera by historian
Diarmaid Ferriter presents a more positive picture
of de Valera's legacy.
Bertie Ahern , at a book launch for Diarmaid
Ferriter's biography of de Valera, described de Valera's
achievements in political leadership during the formative years of the
One of de Valera's finest hours was his regrouping of the Republican
side after defeat in the civil war, and setting his followers on an
exclusively peaceful and democratic path, along which he later had to
confront both domestic Fascism and the IRA. He became a democratic
statesman, not a dictator. He did not purge the civil service of those
who had served his predecessors, but made best use of the talent
A notable failure was his attempt to reverse the provision of the
Constitution in relation to the electoral system. On retiring as
Taoiseach in 1959, he proposed that the Proportional Representation
system enshrined in that constitution should be replaced. De Valera
Proportional Representation had been responsible for the
instability that had characterised much of the post war period. A
constitutional referendum to ratify this was defeated by the people.
One aspect of de Valera's legacy is that since the foundation of the
state, a de Valera has nearly always served in Dáil Éireann. Éamon
de Valera served until 1959, his son,
Vivion de Valera , was also a
Teachta Dála (TD).
Éamon Ó Cuív , his grandson, is currently a
member of the Dáil while his granddaughter,
Síle de Valera is a
former TD. Both have served in ministries in the Irish Government.
In recent years, historians have emphasised his failures, comparing
him unfavourably to his great rival Michael Collins. Critics complain
that de Valera's duplicity and betrayal of the Treaty process and his
rejection of agreed upon democratic procedures led to civil war and
Ireland at birth. Liberals decry his conservative
social policies and his close relationship with the Catholic bishops.
He was morally certain to the point of arrogance with a keen eye for
his own political self-preservation.
In his devout Catholicism, his rejection of material ostentation, his
determination to revive the Irish language, and his inability to
comprehend Protestant Ulster's fears of Catholic domination, a
historian portrays de Valera as representative of his generation in
IN POPULAR CULTURE
* De Valera's portrait illustrated the front cover of the 25 March
1940 issue of TIME magazine accompanying the article EIRE: Prime
Minister of Freedom.
De Valera has been portrayed by:
Andre Van Gyseghem in a 1970 episode of
ITV Playhouse entitled
"Would You Look at Them Smashing all Those Lovely Windows?"
* Sonn Connaughton in a 1981 episode of The Life and Times of David
Lloyd George entitled "Win or Lose"
Barry McGovern in the 1991 TV movie The Treaty , which concerned
* Arthur Riordan in the 1990s RTÉ television show Nighthawks
Alan Rickman in the 1996 film Michael Collins , which depicted the
events surrounding Ireland's struggle for independence from Britain
Andrew Connolly in the 2001 TV mini-series Rebel Heart concerning
the 1916 Rising
* Stephen Mullan in the 2016 TV mini-series Rebellion
The following governments were led by de Valera:
* 2nd Ministry of the
* 3rd Ministry of the
* 6th Executive Council of the
Irish Free State
Irish Free State
* 7th Executive Council of the
Irish Free State
Irish Free State
* 8th Executive Council of the
Irish Free State
Irish Free State
* 1st Government of
* 2nd Government of
* 3rd Government of
* 4th Government of
* 6th Government of
* 8th Government of
* List of members of the
Oireachtas imprisoned during the Irish
* List of people on the postage stamps of
Éamon de Valera Forest
* ^ His name is frequently misspelled Eamonn De Valera but he never
used the second "n" in his first name (the standard Irish spelling)
and always a small "d" in "de Valera", which is properly used in
Spanish names (de meaning "of").
* ^ "Éamon(n)" translates into English as Edmond or Edmund. The
correct Irish translation of "Edward" (his name as given in his
amended birth certificate) is Éadhbhard.
* ^ UK Census 1901 held in the National Archives in the Republic of
Ireland de Valera listed as Edward in a Roman Catholic boarding
school, Blackrock College, in Dublin. This was the same boarding
school which T.F. O\'Rahilly attended, listed as Rahilly.
* ^ "Mr. Éamon de Valera".
Oireachtas Members Database. Retrieved
1 June 2009.
* ^ A B Synge, J. L. (1976). "Eamon de Valera 14 October 1882 -- 29
Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society .
22: 634–653. doi :10.1098/rsbm.1976.0022 .
* ^ A B C D Ferriter, Judging Dev: A Reassessment of the Life and
Legacy of Eamon De Valera (2007), ISBN 1-904890-28-8 .
* ^ ""Eamon de Valera\'s father" 2006". Homepage.eircom.net.
* ^ "Notable New Yorkers – Eamon de Valéra". nyc.gov. NYC
Department of Records. Archived from the original on 8 February 2004.
Proinsias Mac Aonghusa Quotations from
Éamon de Valera
Éamon de Valera (1983),
p. 89, ISBN 0-85342-684-8 .
* ^ Jordan, Anthony J. Eamon de Valera 1882–1975. Irish;
Catholic; Visionary (Westport Books, 2010), pp. 19–20.
* ^ Jordan, p. 279.
* ^ "
Éamon de Valera
Éamon de Valera (1882–1975)". BBC News. Retrieved 6
* ^ Farragher CSSp, Sean P. (1984). Dev and his Alma Mater. Dublin
& London: Paraclete Press. p. 73. ISBN 0-946639-01-9 .
* ^ Farragher (1984), pp 87-90.
* ^ "Éamon de Valera". UCC – Multitext Project in Irish History.
Archived from the original on 25 December 2008. Retrieved 6 December
* ^ Jordan, p. 23.
* ^ James H. Driscoll (1907). "The Defect of Birth". The Catholic
Encyclopedia. Retrieved 2 November 2008.
* ^ Dwane, David T. (1922). Early Life of Eamonn De Valera. Dublin:
The Talbott Press Limited. p. 43.
* ^ Jordan, Anthony J. Eamon de Valera 1882–1975, p. 32.
* ^ A B C D Gunther, John (1936). Inside Europe. Harper & Brothers.
* ^ McElrath, Karen (2000). Unsafe haven: the United States, the
IRA, and political prisoners. Pluto Press. p. 11. ISBN
978-0-7453-1317-7 . Retrieved 4 April 2011.
* ^ Ward, Alan J. (1969).
Ireland and Anglo-American relations,
1899-1921. 1969, Part 1. London School of Economics and Political
Science, Weidenfeld & Nicolson,. p. 24. Retrieved 4 April 2011.
* ^ Barton, Brian. From Behind a Closed Door, Secret Court Martial
Records of 1916, The History Press p. 93.
* ^ Barton, ibid., p. 92.
* ^ Barton, ibid., pp. 91–94.
* ^ Tim Pat Coogan, De Valera: Long Fellow, Long Shadow
(Hutchinson, London, 1993). pp. 69–72. ISBN 0-09-175030-X .
* ^ Jordan, Anthony J. Eamon de Valera 1882–1975, p. 37.
* ^ "Éamon de Valera". ElectionsIreland.org. Retrieved 1 June
* ^ Jordan, Anthony J. Eamon de Valera 1882–1975, pp. 63–70.
* ^ "Pedro Albizu Campos: El Ultimo Libertador de America". Alianza
Bolivariana Para Los Pueblos de Nuestra America. 19 January 2006.
Archived from the original on 17 June 2013. Retrieved 12 March 2012.
* ^ "
Dáil Éireann – Volume 2 – Vote of thanks to the people
of America". Houses of the Oireachtas. 17 August 1921. Archived from
the original on 8 September 2012. Retrieved 6 December 2008.
* ^ "
Dáil Éireann – Volume 1 – Ministerial Motions. –
Presidential election campaign in USA". Houses of the Oireachtas. 29
June 1920. Archived from the original on 7 June 2011. Retrieved 6
* ^ "
Dáil Éireann – Volume 1 – Debates on Reports. –
Finance". Houses of the Oireachtas. 10 May 1921. Archived from the
original on 19 November 2007. Retrieved 6 December 2008.
* ^ Coogan, Tim Pat de Valera: Long Fellow, Long Shadow pp.
120–122, ISBN 0-09-995860-0 , ISBN 978-0-09-995860-4 .
D. G. Boyce , Englishmen and Irish Troubles: British Public
Opinion and the Making of Irish Policy, 1918–1922 (Cambridge, MA:
The MIT Press, 1972), pp. 92–93.
* ^ Coogan, Tim Pat De Valera: Long Fellow, Long Shadow p. 234.
* ^ Jordan, Anthony J. Eamon de Valera 1882–1975, p. 91.
* ^ P. S. O'Hegarty, A History of
Ireland Under the Union: 1801 to
1922 (New York: Kraus Reprint Co., 1969), 751.
* ^ "De Valera\'s Treaty proposals". Houses of the Oireachtas.
Archived from the original on 18 February 2012. Retrieved 6 December
* ^ J.J. O'Kelly (
Sceilg ) A Trinity of Martyrs, Irish
Dublin; pp. 66–68. "Sceilg" was a supporter of de Valera in 1922.
* ^ Coogan, Tim Pat de Valera: Long Fellow, Long Shadow p. 299,
ISBN 0-09-995860-0 , ISBN 978-0-09-995860-4 .
* ^ Coogan, Tim Pat de Valera: Long Fellow, Long Shadow p. 338,
ISBN 0-09-995860-0 , ISBN 978-0-09-995860-4 .
* ^ Jordan, Anthony J. Eamon de Valera 1882–1975, p. 131.
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