Roman ''familia''The Roman household was conceived of as an economic and juridical unit or estate: ''familia'' originally meant the group of the ''famuli'' (the ''servi'' or serfdom, serfs and the slaves of a rural estate) living under the same roof. That meaning later expanded to indicate the ''familia'' as the basic Roman social unit, which might include the ''domus'' (house or home) but was legally distinct from it: a ''familia'' might own one or several homes. All members and properties of a ''familia'' were subject to the authority of a ''pater familias'': his legal, social and religious position defined ''familia'' as a microcosm of the Roman state. In Roman law, the ''potestas'' of the ''pater familias'' was official but distinct from that of magistrates. Only a Roman citizen held the status in Roman legal system, status of ''pater familias'', and there could be only one holder of that office within a household. He was responsible for its well-being, reputation and legal and moral propriety. The entire ''familia'' was expected to adhere to the core principles and laws of the Twelve Tables, which the ''pater familias'' had a duty to exemplify, enjoin and, if necessary, enforce, so within the ''familia'' Republican law and tradition (''mos majorum'') allowed him powers of life and death (''vitae necisque potestas''). He was also obliged to observe the constraints imposed by Roman custom and law on all ''potestas''. His decisions should be obtained through counsel, consultation and consent within the familia, which were decisions by committee (''consilium''). The family ''consilia'' probably involved the most senior members of his own household, especially his wife, and, if necessary, his peers and seniors within his extended clan (''gens''). Augustus's legislation on Lex Julia#Moral legislation of Augustus, the morality of marriage co-opted the traditional ''potestas'' of the ''pater familias''. Augustus was not only Rome's ''princeps'' but also its father (''pater patriae''). As such, he was responsible for the entire Roman ''familia''. Rome's survival required that citizens produce children. That could not be left to individual conscience. The falling birth rate was considered a marker of degeneracy and self-indulgence, particularly among the elite, who were supposed to set an example. ''Lex Julia maritandis ordinibus'' compelled marriage upon men and women within specified age ranges and remarriage on the divorced and bereaved within certain time limits. The ''Lex Julia de adulteriis coercendis'' severely penalised adulterous wives and any husbands who tolerated such behaviour. The ''Lex Papia Poppaea'' extended and modified the laws in relation to intermarriage between social classes and inheritance. Compliance was rewarded and exceptional public duty brought exemption, but dictatorial compulsion was deeply unpopular and quite impractical. The laws were later softened in theory and practise, but the imperial ''Executive Magistrates of the Roman Empire, quaestio perpetua'' remained. Its public magistrates now legally over-rode the traditional rights of the family ''concilium'' and ''pater familias''. The principate shows a clear trend towards the erosion of individual ''patria potestas'' and the increasing intrusion of the state into the juridical and executive independence of the ''familia'' under its ''pater''.
As priest of ''familia'', ''gens'' and ''genius''The domestic responsibilities of the ''pater familias'' included his priestly duties (''sacra familiae'') to his "household gods" (the lares and penates) and the ancestral gods of his own ''gens''. The latter were represented by the Parentalia, di parentes as ancestral shades of the departed, and by the Genius (mythology), genius cult. ''Genius'' has been interpreted as the essential, heritable spirit (or divine essence, or soul) and generative power that suffused the ''gens'' and each of its members. As the singular, lawful head of a family derived from a gens, the ''pater familias'' embodied and expressed its ''genius'' through his pious fulfillment of ancestral obligations. The ''pater familias'' was therefore owed a reciprocal duty of ''genius'' cult by his entire ''familia''. He in his turn conferred ''genius'' and the duty of ''sacra familiae'' to his children—whether by blood or by adoption. Roman religious law defined the religious rites of ''familia'' as ''sacra privata'' (funded by the ''familia'' rather than the state) and "unofficial" (not a rite of state office or magistracy, though the state ''pontifices'' and ''censor'' might intervene if the observation of sacra privata was lax or improper). The responsibility for funding and executing ''sacra privata'' therefore fell to the head of the household and no other. As well as observance of common rites and festivals (including those marked by domestic rites), each family had its own unique internal religious calendar—marking the formal acceptance of infant children, coming of age, marriages, deaths and burials. In rural estates, the entire ''familia'' would gather to offer sacrifice(s) to the gods for the protection and fertility of fields and livestock. All such festivals and offerings were presided over by the ''pater familias''.
WifeThe legal ''potestas'' of the ''pater familias'' over his wife depended on the form of marriage between them. In the Early Republic, a wife was "handed over" to the legal control of her husband in the form of marriage ''cum manu'' (Latin ''cum manu'' means "with hand"). If the man divorced his wife, he had to give the dowry back to his wife and her family. By the Late Republic, ''manus'' marriage had become rare, and a woman legally remained part of her birth family. Women emancipated from the ''potestas'' of a ''pater familias'' were independent by law (''sui iuris'') but had a male guardian appointed to them. A woman ''sui iuris'' had the right to take legal action on her own behalf but not to administer legal matters for others.
ChildrenThe laws of the Twelve Tables required the ''pater familias'' to ensure that "obviously deformed" infants were Infanticide, put to death. The survival of congenitally disabled adults, conspicuously evidenced among the elite by the partially-lame Emperor Claudius, demonstrates that personal choice was exercised in the matter. The pater familias had the power to sell his children into slavery in ancient Rome, slavery; Roman law provided, however, that if a child had been sold as a slave three times, he was no longer subject to ''patria potestas''. The ''pater familias'' had the power to approve or reject marriage in ancient Rome, marriages of his sons and daughters; however, an edict of Emperor Augustus provided that the ''pater familias'' could not withhold that permission lightly. The ''filii familias'' (children of the family) could include the biological and adoption in ancient Rome, adopted children of the ''pater familias'' and his siblings. Because of their extended rights (their ''longa manus'', literally "long hand"), the ''patres familias'' also had a series of extra duties: duties towards the ''filii'' and the slaves, but some of the duties were recognized not by the original ''ius civile'' but only by the ''ius gentium'', specially directed to foreigners, or by the ''ius honorarium'', the law of the ''Magistratus'', especially the ''Praetor'', which would emerge only in a latter period of Roman law. Adult ''filii'' remained under the authority of their ''pater'' and could not themselves acquire the rights of a ''pater familias'' while he lived. Legally, any property acquired by individual family members (sons, daughters or slaves) was acquired for the family estate: the ''pater familias'' held sole rights to its disposal and sole responsibility for the consequences, including personal forfeiture of rights and property through debt. Those who lived in their own households at the time of the death of the ''pater'' succeeded to the status of ''pater familias'' over their respective households (''pater familias sui iuris'') even if they were only in their teens. Children "emancipated" by a pater familias were effectively disinherited. If a ''paterfamilias'' died intestate, his children were entitled to an equal share of his estate. If a will was left, children could contest the estate. Over time, the absolute authority of the ''pater familias'' weakened, and rights that theoretically existed were no longer enforced or insisted upon. The power over life and death was abolished, the right of punishment was moderated and the sale of children was restricted to cases of extreme necessity. Under Emperor Hadrian, a father who killed his son was stripped of both his citizenship and all its attendant rights, had his property confiscated and was permanently exiled.
Roman contextThe original classical Roman definition of ''familia'' referred to “a body of enslaved people,” and did not refer to wives and children.David Herlihy, ''Medieval Households'' (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), 2-3. The classical legal concept of ''pater familias'' as “head of household” derived from this early conception of ''familia'' and, thus, from the legal relationship between slaveowners and their enslaved laborers rather than that between fathers and children. Since Classical antiquity, the early classical period, Roman writers and jurists have interpreted ancient writers’ invocation of ''pater familias'' as the basis of the concept of “head of household”—over the alternative Latin word for slaveowner, ''Dominus (title), dominus''—as a purposeful choice, intended to mitigate the harsh connotations that the act of slaveholding conferred onto heads of households and expanding the applicability of the term to non-enslaved members of the household. As a semantic term, ''pater familias'' thus connoted heads of household who were thought to combine the affective tenderness of a father with the stern coercion of a slaveowner in ordering their households.Richard P. Saller, "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household," ''Classical Philology'', 94, no. 2 (Apr., 1999): 191-2. As Roman jurists began to articulate the legal conception of ''pater familias'' from the early classical period onwards, the minimum qualification for assuming the status of ''pater familias'' came to be understood as one’s capacity to own property. However, in Roman law, this was considered a distinct dimension of the ''pater familias''’ authority from their capacity to hold dominion over enslaved persons. While both enslaved people and the estate itself were considered part of the ''familia'' unit over which ''pater familias'' held authority, they were recognized as distinct from family members (wives, children, and grandchildren). Despite these distinctions, what all members of the household shared was their subjecthood to the authority, or ''potestas'', of the ''pater familias''. By the second century, A.D., the distinction between family members and enslaved persons residing in the same household had lessened, even as the ''patria potestas'' also weakened over time. ''Patres familias'' wielded complete and separate authority over members of their households, including their enslaved laborers. In cases of adjudicating legal transgressions committed by enslaved persons, ''patres familias'' exhibited equivalent jurisdiction as that of local Roman magistrate, civil magistrates, including the ability to absolve the enslaved of any wrongdoing, trying them by jury, or sentencing them to capital punishments. While some Roman ''patres familias'' permitted enslaved individuals in their households to establish quasi-marital unions (known as ''Contubernium, contubernia'') as a means of forming communal bonds among the enslaved, these unions were only recognized within the household and carried no legal bearing outside of the household. The children that resulted from these unions were themselves enslaved and considered the legal property of their mother’s owner. Roman legal sources often recognized enslaved people as part of the ''instrumenta'' (roughly translated as “equipment”) of the household to highlight the service they provided the ''pater familias''. This definition included both enslaved people working in field settings and those living in the domestic household and working in direct service of the ''pater familias.''Richard P. Saller, "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household," ''Classical Philology'', 94, no. 2 (Apr., 1999): 187. Roman women ''sui iuris'' (“of their own power,” and not under the authority of any ''pater familias'') possessed the legal right to own enslaved people as ''instrumenta'', though jurists decided on a case-by-case basis whether to extend the status of ''pater familias'' to them in their capacity as slaveowners. In general, however, the status of ''pater familias'' could not be fully extended to women ''sui iuris'' because Roman law recognized the authority that ''pater familias'' wielded over members of the immediate family as strictly gendered, i.e., male. Nonetheless, historians and legal scholars have often overlooked this exception to the rule that allowed some women ''sui iuris'' (usually wealthy and of the upper socioeconomic stratum of society) to attain legal recognition as ''pater familias'' through their ownership of enslaved persons.
Historical applicationsOutside of the Roman context, various slavery regimes in world history have adopted the concept of ''pater familias'' to structure the legal, cultural, and social relationships between slaveowners and enslaved people. The law code of Valencia#Middle ages, fifteenth-century Valencian society, for example, adopted the classical Roman conception of ''familia'' to recognize servant laborers and enslaved persons as members of the domestic household, roughly equal in status to family members given their subjecthood to the authority of the ''pater familias''. As a consequence of this, ''patres familias'' maintained honor and status within their communities by fulfilling both the material and spiritual needs of all members of the household, including enslaved persons. This included providing for the food, clothing, shelter, education, and baptism of enslaved persons. When they reneged on these obligations, the law code considered them to forfeit their right to ownership of their enslaved, leading in some cases to disputes between paternal heads of household over the status of enslaved persons whom they each claimed to have “raised.” In the context of Plantation house#Antebellum American South, plantation slavery in the antebellum U.S. South, slaveowning planters developed a rhetorical defense of slavery as a benevolent, Paternalism#In society, paternalistic institution based on the ancient Roman model of the ''pater familias''. Some planters employed the concept as a legal protectionary measure, instructing renters to whom the
See also* Kyrios
Sources*Beard, M., Price, S., North, J., ''Religions of Rome: Volume 1, a History'', illustrated, Cambridge University Press, 1998. *Beard, M., Price, S., North, J., ''Religions of Rome: Volume 2, a sourcebook'', illustrated, Cambridge University Press, 1998. *Frier, Bruce W., McGinn, Thomas A.J., and Lidov, Joel, ''A Casebook on Roman Family Law'', Oxford University Press (American Philological Association), 2004. *Huebner, S. R, Ratzan, D. M. eds. ''Growing up Fatherless in Antiquity,'' Cambridge University Press, 2009. *Parkin, Tim, & Pomeroy, Arthur, ''Roman Social History, a Sourcebook,'' Routledge, 2007. *Severy, Beth, ''Augustus and the family at the birth of the Roman Empire'', Routledge, 2003.