Datu

''Datu'' is a title which denotes the rulers (variously described in historical accounts as chiefs, sovereign princes, and monarchs) of numerous indigenous peoples throughout the Philippine archipelago, Sulu and Palawan, but it was used much more extensively in early Philippine history, particularly in the regions of Central and Southern Luzon, the Visayas and Mindanao. It is a cognate of the title '' ratu'' in several other Austronesian languages.

Overview

In early Philippine history, datus and a small group of their close relatives formed the "apex stratum" of the traditional three-tier social hierarchy of lowland Philippine societies. Only a member of this birthright aristocracy (called "''maginoo''", "''nobleza''", "''maharlika''", or "''timagua''" by various early chroniclers) could become a datu; members of this elite could hope to become a datu by demonstrating prowess in war or exceptional leadership.

In large coastal polities such as those in Maynila, Tondo, Pangasinan, Cebu, Panay, Bohol, Butuan, Cotabato, Lanao, and Sulu, several datus brought their loyalty-groups, referred to as "barangays" or "''dulohan''", into compact settlements which allowed greater degrees of cooperation and economic specialization. In such cases, datus of these barangays would then select the most senior or most respected among them to serve as what scholars referred to as a "paramount leader" or "paramount datu". The titles used by such paramount datu changed from case to case, but some of the most prominent examples were: '' sultan'' in the most Islamized areas of Mindanao; '' lakan'' among the Tagalog people; ''thimuay'' among the Subanen people; '' rajah'' in polities which traded extensively with Indonesia and Malaysia; or simply ''datu'' in some areas of Mindanao and the Visayas.

Proofs of Filipino royalty and nobility (''dugóng bugháw'') can be demonstrated only by clear blood descent from ancient native royal blood, and in some cases adoption into a royal family.

Terminology

''Datu'' ( Baybayin: ) is the title for chiefs, sovereign princes, and monarchs throughout the Philippine archipelago.For more information about the social system of the Indigenous Philippine society before the Spanish colonization see ''Barangay'' in ''Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europea-Americana'', Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, S. A., 1991, Vol. VII, p.624: ''Los nobles de un barangay eran los más ricos ó los más fuertes, formándose por este sistema los dattos ó maguinoos, principes á quienes heredaban los hijos mayores, las hijas á falta de éstos, ó los parientes más próximos si no tenían descendencia directa; pero siempre teniendo en cuenta las condiciones de fuerza ó de dinero. The title is still used today, especially in Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan, but it was used much more extensively in early Philippine history, particularly in the regions of central and southern Luzon, the Visayas and Mindanao.''Por otra parte, mientras en las Indias la cultura precolombiana había alcanzado un alto nivel, en Filipinas la civilización isleña continuaba manifestándose en sus estados más primitivos. Sin embargo, esas sociedades primitivas, independientes totalmente las unas de las otras, estaban en cierta manera estructuradas y se apreciaba en ellas una organización jerárquica embrionaria y local, pero era digna de ser atendida. Precisamente en esa organización local es, como siempre, de donde nace la nobleza. El indio aborigen, jefe de tribu, es reconocido como noble y las pruebas irrefutables de su nobleza se encuentran principalmente en las Hojas de Servicios de los militares de origen filipino que abrazaron la carrera de las Armas, cuando para hacerlo necesariamente era preciso demostrar el origen nobiliario del individuo.'' (On the other hand, while in the Indies pre-Columbian culture had reached a high level, in the Philippines the island civilization continued to manifest itself in its most primitive states. However, these primitive societies, totally independent of each other, were in some way structured and had an embryonic and local hierarchical organization in them, but it was worthy of being attended to. Precisely in that local organization is, as always, where the nobility is born. The Aboriginal Indian, chief of tribe, is recognized as noble and the irrefutable proofs of his nobility are found mainly in the Service Records of militarymen of the Filipino origin who embraced military career, when in order to do so it was necessary to prove the noble lineage of the individual.) de Caidenas y Vicent, Vicente, ''Las Pruebas de Nobleza y Genealogia en Filipinas y Los Archivios en Donde se Pueden Encontrar Antecedentes de Ellas'' in ''Heraldica, Genealogia y Nobleza en los Editoriales de Hidalguia, (1953–1993: 40 años de un pensamiento)''. Madrid: 1993, HIDALGUIA, p. 232.''"También fundó convento el Padre Fray Martin de Rada en Araut- que ahora se llama el convento de Dumangas- con la advocación de nuestro Padre San Agustín...Está fundado este pueblo casi a los fines del río de Halaur, que naciendo en unos altos montes en el centro de esta isla (Panay)...Es el pueblo muy hermoso, ameno y muy lleno de palmares de cocos. Antiguamente era el emporio y corte de la más lucida nobleza de toda aquella isla...Hay en dicho pueblo algunos buenos cristianos...Las visitas que tiene son ocho: tres en el monte, dos en el río y tres en el mar...Las que están al mar son: Santa Ana de Anilao, San Juan Evangelista de Bobog, y otra visita más en el monte, entitulada Santa Rosa de Hapitan."'' Gaspar de San Agustin, O.S.A., ''Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas (1565–1615)'', Manuel Merino, O.S.A., ed., Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas: Madrid 1975, pp. 374–375. Other titles still used today are '' lakan'' in Luzon, ''apo'' in central and northern Luzon, and ''sultan'' and ''rajah'', especially in Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan.In Mindanao, there have been several sultanates. The Sultanate of Maguindanao, Sultanate of Sulu, and Confederation of Sultanates in Lanao are among those more known in history. Cf. Depending upon the prestige of the sovereign royal family, the title of ''datu'' could be equated to royal princes, European dukes, marquesses and counts. In large ancient barangays, which had contacts with other Southeast Asian cultures through trade, some datus took the title of ''rajah'' or ''sultan''.

The oldest historical records mentioning the title ''datu'' are the 7th century Srivijayan inscriptions such as Telaga Batu to describe lesser kings or vassalized kings. The word ''datu'' is a cognate of the Malay terms ''dato'' or ''datuk'' and to the Fijian chiefly title of '' ratu''.

Indigenous concepts, models, and terminology concerning nobility and rulership among the peoples of the Philippine archipelago differed from one culture to the other, but lowland communities typically had a three-tier social structure aristocracy. In many of these societies, the word "''datu''" meant the ruler of a particular social group, known as a ''barangay'', ''dulohan'', or ''kedatuan''.

History

In pre-Islamic times, the political leadership office was vested in a rajahship in Manila and a datuship elsewhere in the Philippines.

''Datu'' in Moro and Lumad societies in Mindanao

In the later part of the 1500s, the Spaniards took possession of most of Luzon and the Visayas, converting the lowland population to Christianity from their local indigenous religion. However, although Spain eventually established footholds in northern and eastern Mindanao and the Zamboanga Peninsula, its armies failed to colonize the rest of Mindanao. This area was populated by Islamized peoples (" Moros" to the Spaniards) and by many non-Muslim indigenous groups now known as Lumad peoples.Mindanao Land of Promise
(archived fro

on October 28, 2008)

The Moro societies of Mindanao and Sulu

In the traditional structure of Moro societies, the sultans were the highest authority followed by the datus or rajah, with their rule being sanctioned by the Quran. The titles ''datu'' and ''rajah'', however, predate the coming of Islam. These titles were assimilated into the new structure under Islam. Datus were supported by their tribes. In return for tribute and labor, the datu provided aid in emergencies and advocacy in disputes with other communities and warfare through the ''Agama'' and ''Maratabat'' laws.

The Lumad societies of Mindanao

At the beginning of the 20th century, the Lumad peoples controlled an area that now covers 17 of Mindanao's 24 provinces – but by the 1980 census, they constituted less than 6% of the population of Mindanao and Sulu. Heavy migration to Mindanao of Visayans, who have been settling in the Island for centuries, spurred by government-sponsored resettlement programmes, turned the Lumads into minorities. The Bukidnon province population grew from 63,470 in 1948 to 194,368 in 1960 and 414,762 in 1970, with the proportion of indigenous Bukidnons falling from 64% to 33% to 14%.

There are 18 Lumad ethnolinguistic groups: Ata people, Bagobo, Banwaon, B'laan, Bukidnon, Dibabawon, Higaonon, Mamanwa, Mandaya, Manguwangan, Manobo, Mansaka, Subanon, Tagakaolo, Tasaday, Tboli, Teduray and Ubo.

Lumad datus have involved themselves in protecting their homeland forests from illegal loggers during the past decades. Some have joined the New People's Army (NPA), a communist rebel group in the country, for the cause of their people. Others have resisted joining the Moro and Communist separatist movements.

A datu is still basic to the smooth functioning of Lumad and Moro societies today. They have continued to act as the community leaders in their respective tribes among a variety of Indigenous peoples in Mindanao. Moros, Lumads and Visayans now share with new settlers a homeland in Mindanao.

''Datu'' in pre-colonial principalities in the Visayas

In more affluent and powerful territorial jurisdictions and principalities in the Visayas, e.g., PanayCf. William Henry Scott, ''Cracks in the Parchment Curtain'', Quezon City: 1998, pp. 127–147. Cebu and Leyte(which were never conquered by Spain but were accomplished as vassals using pacts, peace treaties, and reciprocal alliances), the "''datu''" class was at the top of a divinely sanctioned and stable social order in a ''sakop'' or ''kinadatuan'' (''kadatuan'' in ancient Malay; ''kedaton'' in Javanese; and ''kedatuan'' in many parts of modern Southeast Asia), which is elsewhere commonly referred to also as ''barangay''. This social order was divided into three classes. The ''Kadatuan'' (members of the Visayan datu class) were compared by the Boxer Codex to the titled lords (''señores de titulo'') in Spain. As ''agalon'' or ''amo'' (lords), the datus enjoyed an ascribed right to respect, obedience, and support from their ''"oripun"'' (commoner) or followers belonging to the third order. These datus had acquired rights to the same advantages from their legal ''"Timawa"'' or vassals (second-order), who bind themselves to the datu as his seafaring warriors. ''"Timawas"'' paid no tribute, and rendered no agricultural labor. They had a portion of the datu's blood in their veins. The above-mentioned Boxer Codex calls these "''timawas''": knights and '' hidalgos''. The Spanish conquistador, Miguel de Loarca, described them as ''"free men, neither chiefs nor slaves"''. In the late 1600s, the Spanish Jesuit priest Fr. Francisco Ignatio Alcina, classified them as ''the third rank of nobility'' (nobleza).

To maintain the purity of bloodline, datus marry only among their kind, often seeking high ranking brides in other Barangays, abducting them, or contracting brideprices in gold, slaves and jewelry. Meanwhile, the datus keep their marriageable daughters secluded for protection and prestige. These well-guarded and protected highborn women were called ''"binokot"'', the datus of pure descent (four generations) were called ''"potli nga datu"'' or ''"lubus nga datu"'', while a woman of noble lineage (especially the elderly) are addressed by the inhabitants of Panay as ''"uray"'' (meaning: pure as gold), e.g., ''uray hilway''.

''Datu'' in pre-colonial principalities in the Tagalog region

The different type of culture prevalent in Luzon gave a less stable and more complex social structure to the pre-colonial Tagalog barangays of Manila, Pampanga and Laguna. Enjoying a more extensive commerce than those in Visayas, having the influence of Bornean political contacts, and engaging in farming wet rice for a living, the Tagalogs were described by the Spanish Augustinian Friar Martin de Rada as more traders than warriors.

The more complex social structure of the Tagalogs was less stable during the arrival of the Spaniards because it was still in a process of differentiating. In this society, the term ''datu'' or ''lakan'', or ''apo'' refers to the chief, but the noble class (to which the ''datu'' belonged, or could come from) was the '' maginoo'' class. One could be born a ''maginoo'', but could become a 'datu' by personal achievement.Cf. William Henry Scott, Cracks in the Parchment Curtain, Quezon City: 1998, p. 125.

''Datu'' during the Spanish period

The ''datu'' class (first estate) of the four echelons of Filipino society at the time of contact with the Europeans (as described by Fr. Juan de Plasencia- a pioneer Franciscan missionary in the Philippines), was referred to by the Spaniards as the '' principalía''. Loarca, and the canon lawyer Antonio de Morga, who classified the society into three estates (ruler, ruled, slave), also affirmed the usage of this term and also spoke about the preeminence of the ''principales''.Cf. William Henry Scott, Cracks in the Parchment Curtain, Quezon City: 1998, p. 99. All members of this datu class were ''principales'', whether they ruled or not. San Buenaventura's 1613 Dictionary of the Tagalog Language defines three terms that clarify the concept of this ''principalía'':

#''Poón'' or ''punò'' (chief, leader) – principal or head of a lineage.
#''Ginoó'' – a noble by lineage and parentage, family and descent.
#''Maginoo'' – principal in lineage or parentage.

The Spanish term ''seňor'' (lord) is equated with all these three terms, which are distinguished from the ''nouveau riche'' imitators scornfully called ''maygintao'' (man with gold or ''hidalgo'' by gold, and not by lineage).Cf. William Henry Scott, Cracks in the Parchment Curtain, Quezon City: 1998, p. 100.

Upon the Christianization of most parts of the Philippine archipelago, the datus retained their right to govern their territory under the Spanish Empire.''L'institution des chefs de barangay a été empruntée aux Indiens chez qui on l a trouvée établie lors de la conquête des Philippines; ils formaient, à cette époque une espèce de noblesse héréditaire. L'hérédité leur a été conservée aujourd hui: quand une de ces places devient vacante, la nomination du successeur est faite par le surintendant des finances dans les pueblos qui environnent la capitale, et, dans les provinces éloignées, par l alcalde, sur la proposition du gobernadorcillo et la présentation des autres membres du barangay; il en est de même pour les nouvelles créations que nécessite de temps à autre l augmentation de la population. Le cabeza, sa femme et l aîné de ses enfants sont exempts du tributo; après trois ans de service bien fait, on leur accorde le titre de "don" et celui de "pasado"; et ils demeurent exempts de tout service personnel; ils peuvent être élus gobernadorcillos. Les votes sont pris au scrutin secret et la moindre infraction aux règlements entraîne la nullité de l'élection.'' (The institution of the Chefs de Barangay was borrowed from the Indians with whom it was found established during the conquest of the Philippines; At that time they formed a kind of hereditary nobility. Heredity has been preserved to them to-day; when one of these places becomes vacant, the appointment of the successor is made by the superintendent of finance in the pueblos which surround the capital, and in the distant provinces by the alcalde, The proposal of the gobernadorcillo and the presentation of the other members of the barangay; It is the same for the new creations that the population needs from time to time. The cabeza, his wife and the eldest of his children are exempt from tributo. After three years of good service, they are granted the title of "don" and that of "pasado"; and they remain free from any personal service; they can be elected gobernadorcillos. Votes are taken by secret ballot and the slightest violation of the regulations results in the nullity of the election.) MALLAT de BASSILAU, Jean (1846). Les Philippines: Histoire, géographie, moeurs. Agriculture, industrie et commerce des Colonies espagnoles dans l'Océanie (2 vols) (in French). Paris: Arthus Bertrand Éd. . OCLC 23424678, p. 356.. King Philip II of Spain, in a law signed June 11, 1594, commanded the Spanish colonial officials in the archipelago that these native royalties and nobilities be given the same respect, and privileges that they had enjoyed before their conversion. Their domains became self-ruled tributary barangays of the Spanish Empire.

The Filipino royals and nobles formed part of the exclusive, and elite ruling class, called the ''principalía'' (noble class) of the Philippines. The ''principalía'' was the class that constituted a birthright aristocracy with claims to respect, obedience, and support from those of subordinate status.

With the recognition of the Spanish monarchs came the privilege of being addressed as '' Don'' or '' Doña''.''Cf''. Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, ''The Philippine Islands (1493–1898)'', Cleveland: The A.H. Clark Company, 1903, Vol. XL, p. 218. – a mark of esteem and distinction in Europe reserved for a person of noble or royal status during the colonial period. Other honors and high regard were also accorded to the Christianized datus by the Spanish Empire. For example, the '' gobernadorcillos'' (elected leader of the '' cabezas de barangay'' or the Christianized datus) and Filipino officials of justice received the greatest consideration from the Spanish Crown officials. The colonial officials were under obligation to show them the honor corresponding to their respective duties. They were allowed to sit in the houses of the Spanish provincial governors, and in any other places. They were not left to remain standing. It was not permitted for Spanish parish priests to treat these Filipino nobles with less consideration.

The ''gobernadorcillos'' exercised the command of the towns. They were port captains in coastal towns. Their office corresponds to that of the '' alcaldes'' and municipal judges of the Iberian Peninsula. They performed at once the functions of judges and even of notaries with defined powers.Cf. Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, The Philippine Islands (1493–1898), Cleveland: The A.H. Clark Company, 1903, Vol. XVII, p. 329. They also had the rights and powers to elect assistants and several lieutenants and '' alguaciles'', proportionate in number to the inhabitants of the town.

By the end of the 16th century, any claim to Filipino royalty, nobility, or '' hidalguía'' had disappeared into a homogenized, hispanized and Christianized nobility – the ''principalía''. This remnant of the pre-colonial royal and noble families continued to rule their traditional domain until the end of the Spanish regime. However, there were cases when succession in leadership was also done through election of new leaders (i.e., ''cabezas de barangay''), especially in provinces near the central colonial government in Manila where the ancient ruling families lost their prestige and role. Perhaps proximity to the central power diminished their significance. However, in distant territories, where the central authority had less control and where order could be maintained without using coercive measures, hereditary succession was still enforced until Spain lost the archipelago to the Americans. These distant territories remained patriarchal societies, where people retained great respect for the ''principalía''.

The ''principalía'' was larger and more influential than the pre-conquest indigenous nobility. It helped create and perpetuate an oligarchic system in the Spanish colony for more than three hundred years. The Spanish colonial government's prohibition for foreigners to own land in the Philippines contributed to the evolution of this form of oligarchy. In some provinces of the Philippines, many Spaniards and foreign merchants intermarried with the rich and landed Austronesian local nobilities. From these unions, a new cultural group was formed, the '' mestizo'' class. Their descendants emerged later to become an influential part of the government, and the ''principalía''.
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Political functions

Anthropologist Laura Lee Junker's comparative analysis of historical accounts from cultures throughout the archipelago, depicts Datus functioning as:
*primary political authorities,
*war leaders,
*legal adjudicators,
*the ''de facto'' owners of agricultural products and sea resources within a district,
*the primary supporters of attached craft specialists,
*the overseers of intra-district and external trade, and
*the pivotal centers of regional resource mobilization systems.

Anthropologists like F. Landa Jocano and Laura Lee Junker and historians and historiographers like William Henry Scott make a careful distinction between the nobility and aristocratic nature of the datus vis a vis the exercise of sovereign political authority. Although the datus and paramount datus of early Philippine polities were a "''birthright aristocracy''" and were widely recognized "aristocratic" or "noble", comparable to the nobles and royals of the Spanish colonizers, the nature of their relationship with the members of their Barangay was less asymmetrical than in a monarchic political systems in other parts of the world.McCoy, Alfred W. (1983) An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines.Anderson,Benedict. (1983) Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Their control over territory was a function of their leadership of the Barangay and, in some local pre-colonial societies (mostly in Luzon), the concept of ruling was not that of "divine right." Furthermore, their position was dependent on the common consent of the members of the barangay's aristocratic Maginoo-class. Although the position of datu could be inherited, the Maginoo could decide to choose someone else to follow within their own class, if that other person proved a more capable war leader or political administrator. Even "paramount datus" such as lakans or rajahs exercised only a limited degree of influence over the less-senior datus they led, which did not include claims over the barangays and territories of these less-senior datus. Antonio de Morga, in his work ''Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas'', expounds on the degree to which early Philippine datus could exercise their authority:

Paramount datus

The term ''paramount datu'' or ''paramount ruler'' is a term applied by historians to describe the highest ranking political authorities in the largest lowland polities (''see: Barangay state'') or inter-polity alliance groups in early Philippine history, most notably those in Maynila, Tondo, the Confederation of Madja-as in Panay, Pangasinan, Cebu, Bohol, Butuan, Cotabato, and Sulu.

Different cultures of the Philippine archipelago referred to the most senior datu or leader of the " barangay state" or "bayan" using different titles. In Muslim polities such as Sulu and Cotabato, the paramount ruler was called a sultan. In Tagalog communities, the equivalent title was that of ''lakan''. In communities which historically had strong political or trade connections with Indianized polities in Indonesia and Malaysia, the paramount ruler was called a rajah. Among the Subanon people of the Zamboanga Peninsula, the most senior ''thimuay'' is referred to as the "''thimuay labi''", or as ''sulotan'' in more Islamized Subanon communities. In some other portions of the Visayas and Mindanao, there was no separate name for the most senior ruler, so the paramount ruler was simply called a ''datu'', although one datu was identifiable as the most senior.

''Confer also: Non-sovereign monarchy.''

Nobility

The noble or aristocratic nature of datus and their relatives is asserted in folk origin myths,William Henry Scott, ''Cracks in the Parchment Curtain'', Quezon City: 1998, pp. 112- 118. was widely acknowledged by foreigners who visited the Philippine archipelago, and is upheld by modern scholarship. Succession to the position of datu was often (although not always) hereditary, and datus derived their mandate to lead from their membership in an aristocratic class. Records of Chinese traders and Spanish colonizers describe datus or paramount datus as sovereign princes and principals. Travellers who came to the Philippine archipelago from kingdoms or empires such as Song and Ming dynasty China, or 16th Century Spain, even initially referred to datus or paramount datus as "kings", even though they later discovered that datus did not exercise absolute sovereignty over the members of their barangays.

Indigenous conceptions of nobility and aristocracy

Both now and in early Philippine history, Filipino worldview had a conception of the self or individual being deeply and holistically connected to a larger community, expressed in the language of Filipino psychology as " kapwa." This indigenous conception of self strongly defined the roles and obligations played by individuals within their society.

This differentiation of roles and obligations is also more broadly characteristic of Malayo-Polynesian and Austronesian cultures where, as Mulder explains:

This "''essential inequality of individuals and their mutual obligations to each other''" informed the reciprocal relationships (expressed in the Filipino value of "utang na loob") that defined the three-tiered social structure typical among early Philippine peoples.

These settlements were characterized by a three-tier social structure, which, while slightly different between different cultures and polities, generally included a slave class (alipin/oripun), a class of commoners (timawa), and at the apex, an aristocratic or " noble" class. The noble class was exclusive, and its members were not allowed to marry outside of the aristocracy. Only members of this cognatically defined social class could rise to the position of ''datu''.

In some cases, such as the more developed ''sakop'' or ''kinadatuan'' in the Visayas (e.g., Panay, Bohol and Cebu), origin myths and other folk narratives firmly placed the datu and the aristocratic class at the top of a divinely sanctioned and stable social order. These folk narratives portrayed the ancestors of datus and other nobles as being created by an almighty deity, just like other human beings. But the behavior of these creations determined the social position of their descendants.

This conception of social organization even continues to shape Philippine society today despite the introduction of western, externally democratic structures. This has led some sociologists and political scientists to describe the Philippines' political structure as a cacique democracy.

Membership in the aristocratic class

The "authority, power, and influence" of the datu (''adjali'') emanated primarily from his recognized status within the noble class.

Noble birth was not the only factor that determined a datu's political legitimacy, however. Success as a datu was dependent on one's " personal charisma, prowess in war, and wealth."

Hereditary succession

The office of ''datu'' was normally passed on through heredity, and even in cases where it was not passed on through direct descent, only a fellow member of the aristocratic class could ascend to the position. In large settlements (called ''bayan'' among the Tagalogs) in which several datus and their barangays lived in close proximity, paramount datus were chosen by datus from amongst themselves in a more democratic way, but even this position as most senior among datus was often passed on through heredity.

Antonio de Morga, in his work ''Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas'', expounded on this succession through heredity, noting:

Material affluence

Since the culture of the pre-colonial societies in the Visayas, northern Mindanao, and Luzon were largely influenced by Hindu and Buddhist cultures, the datus who ruled these principalities (such as Butuan Calinan, Ranau Gandamatu, Maguindanao Polangi, Cebu, Bohol, Panay, Mindoro and Manila) also share the many customs of royalties and nobles in Southeast Asian territories (with Hindu and Buddhist cultures), especially in the way they used to dress and adorn themselves with gold and silk. The Boxer Codex bears testimony to this fact. The measure of the prince's possession of gold and slaves was proportionate to his greatness and nobility. The first Westerners, who came to the archipelago, observed that there was hardly any "Indian" who did not possess chains and other articles of gold.

Foreign recognition of nobility

The Spanish colonizers who came in the 1500s acknowledged the nobility of the aristocratic class within early Philippine societies. Morga, for example, referred to them as " principalities".''Esta institucion (Cabecería de Barangay), mucho más antigua que la sujecion de las islas al Gobierno, ha merecido siempre las mayores atencion. En un principio eran las cabecerías hereditarias, y constituian la verdadera hidalguía del país; mas del dia, si bien en algunas provincias todavía se tramiten por sucesion hereditaria, las hay tambien eleccion, particularmente en las provincias más inmediatas á Manila, en donde han perdido su prestigio y son una verdadera carga. En las provincias distantes todavía se hacen respetar, y allí es precisamente en donde la autoridad tiene ménos que hacer, y el órden se conserva sin necesidad de medidas coercitivas; porque todavía existe en ellas el gobierno patriarcal, por el gran respeto que la plebe conserva aún á lo que llaman aquí principalía.'' (This institution (Cabecería de Barangay), much older than the subjection of the islands to the Government, has always deserved the greatest attention. In the beginning were the hereditary headings, and constituted the true hidalguía of the country; But in the provinces, although they are still processed by hereditary succession, there are also elections, particularly in the provinces closest to Manila, where they have lost their prestige and are a real burden. In the distant provinces they are still respected, and that is precisely where authority has less to do, and the order is preserved without the need for coercive measures; Because the patriarchal government still exists in them, because of the great respect which the plebs still hold to what they call here "principal") FERRANDO, Fr Juan & FONSECA OSA, Fr Joaquin (1870–1872). Historia de los PP. Dominicos en las Islas Filipinas y en las Misiones del Japon, China, Tung-kin y Formosa (Vol. 1 of 6 vols) (in Spanish). Madrid: Imprenta y esteriotipia de M Rivadeneyra. OCLC 9362749.

Once the Spanish colonial government had been established, the Spanish continued to recognize the descendants of pre-colonial datus as nobles, assigning them positions such as Cabeza de Barangay. Spanish monarchs recognized their noble nature and origin.

Popular portrayal as "monarchs"

Early misidentifications of pre-colonial polities in Luzon

When travelers – whether traders or colonizers – came to the Philippines from cultures which were under a sovereign monarch, these travelers often initially referred to the rulers of Philippine polities as "monarchs", implying recognition of their powers as sovereigns.

Some early examples were the Song dynasty traders who came to the Philippines and referred to the ruler of Ma-i as a "huang", meaning "king" – an appellation later adopted by the Ming dynasty courts when dealing with the Philippine archipelago cultures of their own time, such as Botuan and Luzon.

Later, the Spanish expeditions of Ferdinand Magellan (in the 1520s) and Miguel López de Legazpi (in the 1570s) initially referred to paramount datus (lakans, rajahs, sultans, etc.) as "kings", although the Spanish stopped using this term when the Spanish under the command of Martin de Goiti first forayed out towards the polities in Bulacan and Pampanga in late 1571 and realized that these Kapampanan datus had a choice not to obey the wishes of the paramount datus of Tondo (Lakandula) and Maynila (Rajahs Matanda and Sulayman), leading Lakandula and Sulayman to explain that there was "no single king over these lands", and that the influence of Tondo and Maynila over the Kapampangan polities did not include either territorial claim or absolute command.

Junker and Scott note that this misconception was natural, because both the Chinese and the Spanish came from cultures which had autocratic and imperial political structures. It was a function of language, since their respective sinocentric and hispanocentric vocabularies were organized around worldviews which asserted the divine right of monarchs. As a result, they tended to project their beliefs into the peoples they encountered during trade and conquest.

The concept of a sovereign monarchy was not unknown among the various early polities of the Philippine archipelago, since many of these settlements had rich maritime cultures and traditions, and traveled widely as sailors and traders. The Tagalogs, for example had the word "hari" to describe a monarch. As noted by ''Fray'' San Buenaventura (1613, as cited by Junker, 1990 and Scott, 1994), however, the Tagalogs only applied ''hari'' (king) to foreign monarchs, such as those of the Javanese Madjapahit kingdoms, rather than to their own leaders. "Datu", "rajah", "lakan", etc., were distinct unique words to describe the powers and privilege of indigenous or local rulers and paramount rulers.

Reappropriation of "royalty" in popular literature

Although early Philippine datus, lakans, rajahs, sultans, etc., were not sovereign in the political or military sense, they later came to be referred to as such due to the introduction of European literature during the Spanish colonial period.Rafael, Vicente L. (2005) The Promise of the Foreign: Nationalism and the Technics of Translation in the Spanish Philippines.

Because of the cultural and political discontinuities that came with colonization, playwrights of Spanish-era Philippine literature such as '' comedias'' and '' zarzuelas'' did not have precise terminologies to describe former Philippine rulership structures, and began appropriating European concepts, such as "king" or "queen" to describe them. Because most Filipinos, even during precolonial times, related with political power structures as outsiders, this new interpretation of "royalty" was accepted in the broadest sense, and the distinction between monarchy as a political structure vis a vis membership in a hereditary noble line or dynasty, was lost.

This much-broader popular conception of monarchy, built on Filipino experiences of "great men" being socially separate from ordinary people rather than the hierarchical technicalities of monarchies in the political sense, persists today. Common Filipino experience does not usually draw distinctions between aristocracy and nobility vis a vis sovereignty and monarchy. Datus, lakans, rajahs, sultans, etc., are thus referred to as kings or monarchs in this non-technical sense, particularly in 20th century Philippine textbooks.

The technical distinction between these concepts have only recently been highlighted again, by ethnohistorians, historiographers and anthropologists belonging to the critical scholarship tradition, since their concern is to capture indigenous meanings in the most accurate way possible.

Still this assessment of the nature of pre-colonial polities has to be viewed in the context of plurality of pre-colonial social structures existing in the archipelago. It is obvious that those which existed in Luzon, vary from those that existed in the Visayas and Mindanao.

Also, the views of the various authors have to be assessed taking into consideration the background of social constructs, from which they assess the local pre-colonial polities. The historical, politico-cultural and chronological distance of these authors from actual events in the lives of the Filipino pre-colonials has to be taken into consideration. The view of an author living in the 20th century democratic country has a lot of difference from those who came from monarchic societies, who had actual contact with the pre-colonials, and who tried to qualify and approximate the conventions used in local hierarchical structures using the constructs of their time and context, in order to understand their actual experience of contact with what existed in the archipelago during the 16th century.

Honorary datus

The title of "Honorary Datu" has also been conferred to certain foreigners and non-tribe members by the heads of local tribes and Principalities of ancient origin. During the colonial period, some of these titles carried with them immense legal privileges. For example, on January 22, 1878, Sultan Jamalul A'Lam of Sulu appointed the Baron de Overbeck (an Austrian who was then the Austro-Hungarian Empire's consul-general in Hong Kong) as Datu Bendahara and as rajah of Sandakan, with the fullest power of life and death over all the inhabitants. On the other hand, in the Philippines, the Spaniards did not practice the granting of honorary titles. Instead, they created nobiliary titles over conquered territories in the archipelago, in order to reward high Spanish colonial officials. These nobiiary titles are still used in Spain until now by the descendants of the original holders, e.g., Count of Jolo. At present, arrangements such as this can no longer carry similar legal bearing under the Philippine laws.

The various tribes and claimants to the royal titles of certain indigenous peoples in the Philippines have their own particular or personal customs in conferring local honorary titles, which correspond to the specific and traditional social structures of some indigenous peoples in the country.

(N.B. In unhispanized, unchristianized and unislamized parts of the Philippines, there exist other structures of society, which do not have hierarchical classes.)

Present-day datus

The present-day claimants of the precolonial royal/noble title and rank of ''datu'' are of two types. The descendants of rulers of Islamic precolonial polities in Mindanao, and the descendants of the Christianized datus. This second group are those that live in the predominantly Catholic mainstream Filipino society. They are:

# The descendants of datus and sultans of historical and influential precolonial polities that were not totally subjected to Spanish rule, e.g., the Sultanate of Jolo, Sultanate of Maguindnao, who still claim at least the titles of their ancestors.
# The descendants of the ''principalía'' or the Christianized precolonial datus and rajahs, whose status and prerogatives as nobles and former sovereigns were recognized and confirmed by the Spanish Empire. (e.g., descendants of the Christianized last datus of the Cuyunin tribes of Palawan and the precolonial Datus of Panay, Samar, Leyte, Mindoro, Pampanga, Bulacan, Laguna, Bicol Region, etc.; descendants of the Christianized rajahs of Cebu, Butuan and Manila; descendants of Christianized chiefs of precolonial tribes of the Cordilleras and northern Luzon.)

Heirs to the precolonial rank of ''datu'' in the Catholic parts of the Philippines

In the mainstream Philippine society that is overwhelmingly Catholic, the descendants of the ''principalía'' are the rightful claimants of the ancient sovereign royal and noble ranks of the pre-conquest kingdoms, principalities, and barangays of their ancestors (e.g., the realm of the Christianized last datu of the Cuyunin tribes). These descendants of the ancient ruling class are now among the landed aristocracy, intellectual elite, merchants, and politicians in the contemporary Filipino society. These people have had ancestors holding the titles of "''Don''" or "''Doña''", which were also used by Spanish royalties and nobilities during the Spanish colonial period, and still use at present.

Philippine Constitution and the Law on Indigenous Minorities on the contemporary usage of the title ''datu''

Article VI, Section 31 of the 1987 Constitution explicitly forbids the creation, granting, and use of new royal or noble titles. Titles of "Honorary Datu" conferred by various ethnic groups to certain foreigners and non-tribe members by local chieftains are only forms of local award or appreciation for some goods or services done to a local tribe or to the person of the chieftain, and are not legally binding. Any contrary claim is otherwise unconstitutional under Philippine law.Philippine Constitution, Article VI, Section 31.
/ref>

However, through the Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act of 1997, the republic also protects the peculiar situation of tribal minorities and their traditional indigenous social structures. This special law allows members of indigenous minority tribes to be conferred with traditional leadership titles, including the title ''datu'', in a manner specified under the law's implementing rules and guidelines (Administrative Order No. 1, Series of 1998, of the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples specifically under Rule IV, Part I, Section 2, a-c), which reads:

:a) Right to Confer Leadership Titles. The ICCs/IPs concerned, in accordance with their customary laws and practices, indigenous peoples shall have the sole right to vest titles of leadership such as, but not limited to, Bae, Datu, Baylan, Timuay, Likid and such other titles to their members.

:b) Recognition of Leadership Titles. To forestall undue conferment of leadership titles and misrepresentations, the ICCs/IPs concerned, may, at their option, submit a list of their recognized traditional socio-political leaders with their corresponding titles to the NCIP. The NCIP through its field offices, shall conduct a field validation of said list and shall maintain a national directory thereof.

:c) Issuance of Certificates of Tribal Membership. Only the recognized registered leaders are authorized to issue certificates of tribal membership to their members. Such certificates shall be confirmed by the NCIP based on its census and records and shall have effect only for the purpose for which it was issued.

From the above-mentioned ordinance of the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples, the current usage of the title ''datu'' for newly created offices of leadership of tribal minorities does not accord nobility, which is forbidden by the Constitution of the republican state.

Precolonial polities and ''fons honorum''

The '' fons honorum'' (source of honor) in the modern Philippine state is the sovereign Filipino people, who are equal in dignity under a democratic form of government.Philippine Constitution.
/ref> The Philippine government grants state honors and decorations, and through the system of awards and decorations of its Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police. These honors do not grant or create titles of royalty or nobility, in accordance with the Constitution.

Deducing from the theory of Jean Bodin (1530–1596), a French jurist and political philosopher, it could be said that ancient Filipino royalties, who never relinquished their sovereign rights by voluntary means (according to opinions of some historians), of whom the sovereign powers over their territories (''de facto'' sovereignty) passed on to the Spanish ''jura regalia'' through some disputed means, retain their "''fons honorum''" as part of their ''de jure'' sovereignty. Therefore, as long as the blood is alive in the veins of these royal houses, ''de jure'' sovereignty is alive as well – which means they can still bestow titles of nobility. However, the practical implications of this claim is unclear, e.g., in the case of usurpation of titles by other members of the bloodline.

Heads of dynasties (even the deposed ones) belong to one of the three kinds of sovereignty that has been existing in human society. The other two are heads of states (of all forms of government, e.g., monarchy, republican, communist, etc.) and traditional heads of the Church (both Roman Catholic and Orthodox). The authority that emanates from this last type is transmitted through an authentic apostolic succession,Cf. also Paulo Bonavides, ''Political Sciences (Ciência Política)'', p. 126. i.e., direct lineage of ordination and succession of office from the Apostles (from St. Peter, in case of the supreme pontiff of the Roman Catholic Church – the pope).

These sovereign authorities exercise the following sovereign rights and powers: ''ius imperii'' (the right to command and rule a territory or a juridical entity), ''ius gladii'' (the right to impose obedience through command and also control armies), ''ius majestatis'' (the right to be honored and respected according to one's title), and ''ius honorum'' (the right to award titles, merits and rights). Considering the theory of Jean Bodin, that "''Sovereignty is one and indivisible, it cannot be delegated, sovereignty us irrevocable, sovereignty is perpetual, sovereignty is a supreme power''", one can argue about the rights of deposed dynasties, also as ''fons honorum''. It can be said that their ''ius honorum'' depends on their rights as a family, and does not depend on the authority of the "de facto" government of a state. This is their ''de jure'' right. Even though it is not a ''de facto'' right, it is still a right.

But again, in case of conflict of norms on ''fons honorum'' in actual situations, the legislations of the ''de facto'' sovereign authority have precedence. All others are abrogated, unless otherwise recognized under the terms of such ''de facto'' authority.

This is the view to reconsider when we study sovereignty based on the political impact of the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines to the some polities that have been existing since the pre-colonial period, e.g., the Sultanate of Sulu and the Sultanate of Maguindanao.

See also

* Barangay
* Barangay state
* Confederation of Madya-as
* Datuk (Minangkabau)
* Hinduism in the Philippines
* History of the Philippines (before 1521)
* Rajahnate of Maynila
* Namayan
* Tondo (historical polity)
* Malay styles and titles
* Rajahnate of Butuan
* Rajahnate of Cebu
* Recorded list of Datus in the Philippines
* Sultanate of Maguindanao
* Sultanate of Sulu
* Taytay, Palawan
* Non-sovereign monarchy
* Federal monarchy
* Principalía
* Maginoo
* Philippine shamans
* Lakan
* Timawa
* Maharlika
* Bagani

References

External links

Impact of Spanish Colonialization in the PhilippinesEncyclopædia Britannica – Datu (Filipino chieftain)The official website of the Royal Sultanate of Sulu

{{India-related topics in Philippines

Titles of national or ethnic leadership
Noble titles
Royal titles
Feudalism in Asia
History of the Philippines (900–1565)
Filipino royalty
Filipino nobility
Social class in the Philippines