Military career
Sarit Thanarat was educated at a monastery school, and entered Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy in 1919, not completing his military studies until 1928, after which he was commissioned as a second lieutenant. During World War II he served as commander of an infantry battalion and took part in the invasion and occupation of the Shan States in Burma. Unlike many of his fellow officers, Sarit was not discharged at the end of the war. Instead, he was promoted to command the 1st Infantry Regiment of the Bangkok-based Guards Division. As a colonel, he played a leading role in the 1947 military coup that overthrew the government of Prime Minister Thawal Thamrong Navaswadhi, a protege of Pridi Phanomyong, reinstalling the previously deposed Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram, Luang Phibunsongkram as premier. Sarit thereafter took a lasting interest in politics. He became List of Commanders of the Royal Thai Army, Commander of the Royal Thai Army in 1954.Events leading to the coup
During the early-1950s, the Phibun government grew increasingly unpopular. This paved the way for the rise of Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat.Elections of 26 February 1957
The passing of the 1955 Political Party Bill led to the proliferation of more than twenty-five political parties. The government's Legislative Committee was revamped into the Seri Manangkhasila Party which was headed by Phibun with Sarit as deputy chief and Phao as secretary-general. Sarit did not play a significant role in the election process and generally left Phao in charge. Although the Seri Manangkhasila Party beat the Democrat Party, the latter was seen to have won a moral victory. The Democrat Party and the press accused the government of rigging the vote and using hooligans to terrorize both candidates and voters. In a bid to repress public discontent, Phibun declared a state of emergency and Sarit was appointed as the supreme commander of military forces. However, Sarit effectively disassociated himself from the corrupt party when he commented that the 1957 elections. "were dirty, the dirtiest. Everybody cheated."The Isan crisis
In 1957, one of Isan's worst droughts occurred. It prompted a mass exodus of people from the northeast to Bangkok, which led to social problems. The government seemed to regard this diaspora as natural and said that it could neutralize peasant discontent. The Minister of Agriculture, Field Marshal Phin Choonhavan, said that northeasterner's migration to the city and their consumption of frogs and lizards was normal and that there was nothing to worry about. At Hua Lamphong railway station in Bangkok, there were so many refugees arriving daily that students and monks had to set up emergency help stations. On 10 August, the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Phin, was sent by helicopter to survey the Isan region where he found nothing amiss. A second survey, also done by air, was published and again indicated that there was no crisis in Isan as all the land was in acceptable condition. In a final attempt to resolve the issue, the Phibun government allocated 53 million Thai baht, baht, which was to be divided equally among the 53 Isan representatives.The lumber swindle
Before the government could recover from its inept management of the Isan crisis, its integrity was once again questioned. Thailand was loaned US$66 million for the Bhumibol Dam, a dam 154 meters high on the Ping River in Tak. The project was to take six years and had to pay for itself after completion. Many members of parliament, MPs were against the loan as it came immediately after the Isan famine. Out of respect for the king, the plan for the dam was not rejected. Things further escalated when Thiem Khomrit, Director-General of the Forestry Department, was forced to resign and was charged with administrative incompetence. Enraged by the charges, Thiem went to the press to reveal the real reason for his dismissal. He stated that several powerful figures in the Thai government wanted to establish the Forestry Company of Thailand which would merge with other private companies and thereby control the lumber and teak industries. Phin, who headed this project, wanted to suspend all forestry licenses when other companies refused to collude. The plan to establish the Forestry Company of Thailand involved the Bhumibhol Dam project, as members of the Forestry Company wanted to monopolize the cutting of timber in the areas to be flooded by the dam. Thiem further revealed that the Seri Manangkhasila Party had submitted an early application for a license to cut down trees in the area. According to Thiem, his refusal to approve the government's application was the cause of his dismissal.The coup
Influences on Sarit's rule
According to many Western academics, the Cold War largely propped up Sarit's regime. In his book, Daniel Fineman states that Phibun, and later Sarit, aligned their foreign policies with US anti-communist foreign policy, so as to receive financial and military aid. Sarit's strict stance against communism further reinforced the US belief that only the Thai military could contain the communist threat. In contrast, Likhit Dhiravegin stresses that the notion of ''phokho'' (patriarchal rule) from the Sukhothai Kingdom and ''devaraja'' (god–king) and ''sakdina'' (dignity marks) from the Ayutthaya Kingdom are essential in understanding modern Thai politics. Likhit's analysis shows how Sarit combined paternalistic rule from the Sukothai (''phokhun'') with Ayuthaya's despotic power to create his personal political style. According to Thak, Luang Wichitwathakan, Luang Wichit Wathakan was essential in moulding the leadership principles of Phibun and Sarit. From him, Sarit was introduced to the idea of ''pattiwat'' (revolution) and the guiding leadership principle of ''phokhun''.Sarit's tenure
Paternalism
Within days of the coup, electricity rates were lowered and families living in the water-scarce Bangkok-Thonburi area were given 300 large buckets of water free every month. To help the needy, the Revolutionary Council ordered the municipal government to abolish certain taxes, charges for official service, and license fees. Hospitals were ordered to give out free medicine and healthcare to the poor, while student nurses and social workers were instructed to make house calls to help with child delivery and health problems. To lower food prices, Sarit ordered the opening of new markets modeled after the Sunday flea markets at Sanam Luang. Merchants could sell their goods directly to the public instead of going through wikt:middleman, middlemen, thus reducing food prices. Participating merchants only had to pay nominal fee. Sarit also lowered the price of iced black coffee, a popular beverage among locals, from 70 satang per glass to 50 satang per glass. (To evade this, merchants served the coffee in smaller glasses, added less coffee, or more ice into the beverage. Thais were then forced to order the "special" coffee which was the original coffee at the original price). The Association of Rice Merchants agreed to lower their rice prices in the stores they controlled. In a bid to show that everyone was participating in the revolution, the navy was called on by Sarit to provide cheap coconuts to be sold to the public. Even though many of these programs did not last long or were not implemented, their announcements helped to create an atmosphere of enthusiasm for the new government.Dealing with deviants
Soon after the coup, Sarit ordered the arrest and reformation of hooligans (''anthaphan''). According to the Revolutionary Council's Proclamation No. 21, ''anthaphan'' were the bane of the society and to maintain common people's happiness, there was a need to get rid of them. Those with long hair, flashy clothing, and tight pants, in fashion at the time, were also targeted. Weekly dances at Lumpini Garden were banned, and rock and roll music was prohibited from government parties. Upon the release of the victims, Sarit said that he did not hate them, but his actions were necessary for the "family". Prostitution was also considered as a menace to society. Sarit ordered all arrested prostitutes be reformed by sending them to institutions which would equip them with new skills. He also passed the Law Against Prostitution, B.E. 2503.Getting rid of opium
Sarit was determined to end the consumption and sale of opium in Thailand for several reasons. First, he wanted to illustrate to the people that he did not intend to gain from the opium trade, unlike his predecessor Phao. Second, he wanted to please the Western powers who believed that the drug was used by communists to undermine the morals and economy of democratic countries. Last, he saw the eradication of opium as part of his mission to uplift the country morally. Consequently, 43,445 opium pipes were destroyed, and the Committee to Combat Addictive Drugs, headed by Sarit, was created.Imposing order
General Sarit declared that Thailand would abide by the UN's Universal Declaration on Human Rights of 1948, to which Thailand was a signatory, except in cases when it did not. Article 17 of the Interim Constitution of Thailand, B.E. 2502 or " M17" was the legal basis for Sarit to order executions. Using M17, parliament was abolished, newspapers were strictly censored, political parties were prohibited, and people who were suspected of colluding with communists were imprisoned. From 1958 to 1963, eleven people were executed under M17. Five were given death penalty for arson, one for heroin production, one for spearheading a messianic uprising, and four on charges of communism, including the activist and former MP Khrong Chandawong. The Revolutionary Council Proclamation No. 12, dated 22 October 1958, gave investigating authorities the power to detain suspects as long as needed. Many of those persecuted were not communists, but rather writers or intellectuals who opposed Sarit's rule. Under the proclamation, an estimated 1,000 suspects were imprisoned. According to Frank Darling, Sarit's regime was authoritarian and retreated from what little democracy was gained during the 1932 revolution. Thak suggests that Sarit's strict rule can be understood as the modern ''phokhun'' style of leadership, where the benevolent leader intervenes to help his people.The monarchy
Sarit's death and aftermath
Posthumous revelations
After Sarit's death, his reputation took a blow when an inheritance battle between his son, Major Setha Thanarat, and his last wife, Thanpuying Vichitra Thanarat, revealed the massive extent of Sarit's wealth, which totaled over US$100 million. Besides sitting on the boards of 22 companies, he was discovered to have owned a trust company, a brewery, 51 cars, and some 30 plots of land, most of which he gave to his dozens of mistresses. Thai language newspapers published the names of 100 women who claimed to have shared his bed, shocking the public when his corruption was uncovered.Royal decorations
As usual with senior Thai military officers and politicians, Sarit received many royal decorations in the Thai Honours Order of Precedence, Honours System. These include: *Foreign Honours
* : **See also
* List of Prime Ministers of Thailand * Khao Yai National Park * Khon Kaen UniversityReferences
Further reading
* {{DEFAULTSORT:Thanarat, Sarit 1908 births 1963 deaths Field marshals of Thailand, Sarit Thanarat Thai people of Laotian descent, Sarit Thanarat Thai politicians of Chinese descent, Sarit Thanarat Prime Ministers of Thailand, Sarit Thanarat Commanders-in-chief of the Royal Thai Army, Sarit Thanarat Leaders who took power by coup Thai leaders who took power by coup, Sarit Thanarat Thai generals, Sarit Thanarat Thai anti-communists, Sarit Thanarat Thai monarchists, Sarit Thanarat Thai fascists, Sarit Thanarat Thai nationalists, Sarit Thanarat People from Bangkok, Sarit Thanarat Knights Grand Commander of the Order of Chula Chom Klao, Sarit Thanarat Knights Grand Commander (Senangapati) of the Order of Rama, Sarit Thanarat Ministers of Defence of Thailand, Sarit Thanarat Chiefs of Defence Forces (Thailand), Sarit Thanarat Marshals of the Royal Thai Air Force, Sarit Thanarat