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Canadian constitutional law Canadian constitutional law () is the area of Canadian law relating to the interpretation and application of the Constitution of Canada by the courts. All laws of Canada, both provincial and federal, must conform to the Constitution and any laws i ...
case concerning the
constitutionality Constitutionality is said to be the condition of acting in accordance with an applicable constitution; "Webster On Line" the status of a law, a procedure, or an act's accordance with the laws or set forth in the applicable constitution. When l ...
of
mandatory minimum sentences Mandatory sentencing requires that offenders serve a predefined term for certain crimes, commonly serious and violent offenses. Judges are bound by law; these sentences are produced through the legislature, not the judicial system. They are inst ...
for firearm offences in
Canada Canada is a country in North America. Its ten provinces and three territories extend from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific Ocean and northward into the Arctic Ocean, covering over , making it the world's second-largest country by tot ...
.


Background

In 2008, the
Conservative government Conservative or Tory government may refer to: Canada In Canadian politics, a Conservative government may refer to the following governments administered by the Conservative Party of Canada or one of its historical predecessors: * 1st Canadian Mi ...
introduced the ''
Tackling Violent Crime Act The ''Tackling Violent Crime Act'' is an omnibus statute that was given royal assent on February 28, 2008. The statute primarily deals with strengthening gun control in Canada as well as fighting drunk driving, drug-impaired driving Drivi ...
'', a bill that amended the ''
Criminal Code A criminal code (or penal code) is a document that compiles all, or a significant amount of a particular jurisdiction's criminal law. Typically a criminal code will contain offences that are recognised in the jurisdiction, penalties that might ...
'' by adding
mandatory minimum sentences Mandatory sentencing requires that offenders serve a predefined term for certain crimes, commonly serious and violent offenses. Judges are bound by law; these sentences are produced through the legislature, not the judicial system. They are inst ...
for those found guilty of various firearm offences. The bill received
royal assent Royal assent is the method by which a monarch formally approves an act of the legislature, either directly or through an official acting on the monarch's behalf. In some jurisdictions, royal assent is equivalent to promulgation, while in oth ...
and mandatory minimum sentences were attached to section 95(1) of the ''Criminal Code'', a
hybrid offence A hybrid offence, dual offence, Crown option offence, dual procedure offence, offence triable either way, or wobbler is one of the special class offences in the common law jurisdictions where the case may be prosecuted either summarily or as i ...
which prohibited possession of a loaded prohibited firearm, or possession of an unloaded prohibited firearm alongside ammunition. If the Crown elected to proceed by summary conviction, the mandatory minimum sentence was one year under section 95(2)(b) of the ''Criminal Code''. Indictable offences were punishable by a mandatory minimum sentence of three years under section 95(2)(a)(i) of the ''Criminal Code''.SCC, par. 20


Hussein Jama Nur

In January 2009, Toronto police officers were called to a Jane-Finch community centre after receiving a report that a threatening person was waiting outside the centre. When an officer arrived, the respondent Hussein Jama Nur, a 19-year-old high school student, ran away from the community centre, and the officer gave chase. During the pursuit, Nur threw a loaded semiautomatic handgun away from his person. Nur was promptly arrested and the gun recovered. He was charged under section 95(1) of the ''Criminal Code''. In 2011, Nur was tried at the Ontario Superior Court of Justice. The Crown elected to try the case as an indictable offence, and Nur pleaded guilty, arguing only that the mandatory minimum sentence was unconstitutional, violating section 12 because it could capture certain behaviours falling short of criminal conduct, and section 15 of the ''Charter''. The trial judge found that the section 95(2)(a)(i) mandatory minimum sentence was not unconstitutional. Although he held that the difference in sentences arising from summary and indictable proceedings was unconstitutional, it was not found to offer a defence to Nur. Nur was sentenced to one day in prison, since he had already served 26 months in custody, which was credited as double time. Nur appealed to the
Ontario Court of Appeal The Court of Appeal for Ontario (frequently referred to as the Ontario Court of Appeal or ONCA) is the appellate court for the province of Ontario, Canada. The seat of the court is Osgoode Hall in downtown Toronto, also the seat of the Law Socie ...
in 2013. The court allowed his appeal, holding that the section 95(2)(a)(i) three-year mandatory minimum sentence for firearm offences was unconstitutional. Doherty JA, writing for the court, found that the mandatory minimum sentence was a “cavernous disconnect” that violated the section 12 ''Charter'' prohibition on cruel or unusual treatment or punishment and that could not be saved by section 1 of the ''Charter'' under an ''Oakes'' analysis. However, Doherty JA allowed the three-year mandatory minimum sentence to stand for certain “true crime . Doherty JA upheld Nur's sentence.


Sidney Charles

In May 2008, Toronto police searched respondent Sidney Charles’ apartment during an unrelated incident. The police uncovered an unregistered semi-automatic handgun and prohibited over-capacity ammunition magazine in Charles’ room. Charles was arrested and charged under section 95(1) of the ''Criminal Code'' and under several other firearm-related provisions. Since Charles had previously been convicted of two firearm-related offences, the offence was punishable by a mandatory minimum sentence of five years under section 95(2)(a)(ii) of the ''Criminal Code''. Charles was tried before the Ontario Superior Court of Justice by indictment in 2010. At trial, Charles argued that the five-year mandatory minimum sentence was unconstitutional, violating sections 7, 9 and 12 of the ''Charter''. The trial judge rejected this argument, holding that the sentence was not grossly disproportionate, and sentenced Charles to two years of imprisonment on the basis of his pre-trial custody. Charles appealed to the Ontario Court of Appeal, where his case was heard alongside Nur's. Cronk JA, writing for the court, found that the mandatory minimum five-year sentence was unconstitutional, as it was grossly disproportionate when compared to a reasonable hypothetical. The court nonetheless upheld the trial judge's sentence.


Judgment of the SCC

The Crown appealed both decisions of the Ontario Court of Appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada; the Court heard both concurrently. All nine judges of the Court agreed that Nur's and Charles’ sentences were appropriate. However, they disagreed as to the constitutionality of the ''Criminal Code'' provisions.


Majority

The majority of the Supreme Court, led by Chief Justice McLachlin, dismissed the Crown's appeal. McLachlin CJ emphasized the need to tailor criminal sentences to the seriousness of the situation, the offender's blameworthiness and the harm resulting from the offence, and noted that mandatory minimum sentences function as a "blunt instrument” that complicate proportionality in sentencing. According to McLachlin J, the deterrent effect of a mandatory minimum sentence would not alone “sanitize” a sentence, per ''R v Morrisey''. Further, McLachlin CJ held that courts may consider “reasonably foreseeable” hypothetical situations when conducting a section 12 ''Charter'' analysis, for two reasons: # past jurisprudence has not confined ''Charter'' challenges to situations where the claimant's own rights have been violated; and # section 12 cases ''R v Morissey'', ''R v Smith'' and ''R v Goltz'' indicate the importance of considering “situation that may reasonably be expected to arise”. McLachlin CJ rejected the argument that such hypotheticals would amount to an overbroad conferral of discretion on courts, writing instead that the question is one of statutory interpretation, “grounded in experience and common sense”. McLachlin CJ set the threshold required to find reasonable foreseeability at “circumstances that are foreseeably captured by the minimum conduct caught by the offence”, a standard which would exclude only “remote” or “far-fetched” hypotheticals. McLachlin CJ dismissed the Attorney General of Ontario's argument that only a higher likelihood standard to find gross disproportionality would offer certainty. Instead, McLachlin CJ found that the principle of '' stare decisis'' would make it unnecessary for courts to “duplicate the analysis” in every new section 12 case. Reported cases may also be considered by the court, and the court may consider the offender's relevant personal characteristics, but not those that would artificially generate a “remote” or “far-fetched” situation. In summary, McLachlin CJ noted: McLachlin CJ applied the section 12 test to section 95(2)(a)(i) of the ''Criminal Code'', writing that section 95(1)’s prohibition on possession covers a broad spectrum of conduct, and that it could capture with reasonable foreseeability certain licensing offences or other conduct “involving little or no moral fault and little or no danger to the public” that would result in a grossly disproportionate sentence. McLachlin CJ rejected the Attorney General's argument that the Crown could avoid the issue by proceeding by summary judgment, for four reasons: # this approach would effectively delegate the courts’ constitutional sentencing obligation to the state; # it would insulate the Crown's decisions from any “meaningful review’’; # it would imbalance criminal proceedings by offering prosecutors a “trump card” in plea bargains; and # the Crown's decision would be made before disclosure of all the available facts. McLachlin CJ held that parole eligibility is not a factor in determining the gross disproportionality of a mandatory minimum sentence. McLachlin CJ held also that section 95(2)(a)(ii) could disproportionately capture licensing situations. Having found that the provisions violated section 12 of the ''Charter'', McLachlin CJ did not consider a section 7 ''Charter'' argument, instead moving to a section 1 analysis. McLachlin CJ found a rational connection between the mandatory minimum sentences and Parliament's objectives, but held that there were “less harmful means of achieving the legislative goal”, including by adding elements to section 95(1) that would restrict the provision to cases of criminal or dangerous conduct. As such, McLachlin CJ held that the violations of section 12 of the ''Charter'' were not saved by section 1.


Minority

Moldaver J wrote the dissenting reasons, arguing that the mandatory minimum sentencing provisions do not violate section 12 of the ''Charter''. Moldaver J suggested that McLachlin CJ's hypothetical examples of innocent licensing behaviour caught by section 95(1) “stretche the bounds of credulity” and were not reflected in the case law or in common sense, since Parliament intended to craft section 95(1) as a hybrid offence that would allow Crown prosecutors significant discretion when electing to proceed by summary judgment or by indictment. Per Moldaver J, the fact that section 95(1) is a hybrid offence acts as a "safety valve" protecting against grossly disproportionate sentences. Moldaver J pointed to the importance of deterring and denouncing gun crime, building on the Court's pronouncement in ''R v Felawka'' that “the firearm itself presents the ultimate threat of death to those in its presence”, and appellate court jurisprudence indicating that the mere act of possession is “inherently dangerous”. Moldaver J rejected the majority's suggestion to add new elements to section 95(1), arguing that an element of criminal intent would be too high a threshold. As an example, Moldaver J considered a hypothetical driver suspected of gang-related activity possessing an unlicensed handgun in the back seat. Moldaver J argued that the majority's proposed modifications to section 95(1) would make it too difficult to prove a specific risk of harm. Moldaver J rejected the majority's reasonable hypothetical test, and instead suggested a new section 12 ''Charter'' analysis framework when considering hybrid offences like those contemplated in section 95(1) of the ''Criminal Code'': Under Moldaver J's test, courts would determine the spectrum of sentences for indictable offences that existed before the introduction of the mandatory minimum sentence, and compare the mandatory minimum to the “low end” of the identified spectrum. Next, courts would determine whether the Crown's election would lead to a grossly disproportionate sentence, for which the accused would have a section 24(1) ''Charter'' remedy. Moldaver J argued that this approach would be consistent with the Court's abuse of process jurisprudence, and could be made out through both prosecutorial misconduct and “circumstances… where the integrity of the justice system is implicated”. This would alleviate the majority's concern regarding situations where the Crown used the threat of mandatory minimum sentencing as leverage in plea bargaining. Moldaver J also argued that it would not “ nsulatemandatory minimums from ''Charter'' scrutiny”, as the majority feared, since the courts would retain ultimately authority to find a law unconstitutional or a sentence grossly disproportionate. Moldaver J also suggested that Crown prosecutors could elect to stay an indictment proceeding if they discovered fresh facts that would render their election inappropriate. Applying his framework to the case at hand, Moldaver J found that neither Nur's nor Charles’ sentence under section 95(2) of the ''Criminal Code'' was grossly disproportionate. As for a section 7 ''Charter'' analysis, Moldaver J rejected Nur's argument that the gap between the length of mandatory minimum sentences for summary and indictable offences was unconstitutional, finding that the increased sentence for indictable offences reflected Parliament's valid legislative goal of denouncing and deterring gun crime. Moldaver J equally rejected Charles’ argument that the inclusion of less serious firearms offences as prior offences for the purpose of section 95(2)(a)(ii) is arbitrary and overbroad. Instead, Moldaver J argued that such concerns were solely founded on hypothetical arguments and that the prior offences captured under section 95(2)(a)(ii) were sufficiently serious in nature.


Impact

Reaction to the Supreme Court's decision in ''R v Nur'' was mixed.
The Globe and Mail ''The Globe and Mail'' is a Canadian newspaper printed in five cities in western and central Canada. With a weekly readership of approximately 2 million in 2015, it is Canada's most widely read newspaper on weekdays and Saturdays, although it ...
editorial board suggested that “Justice Moldaver got it right”, arguing that the ''Criminal Code'' provisions at issue “send a clear message that illegal possession of firearms is a serious criminal offence, deserving serious punishment”, and that the majority's hypothetical licensing example was “imagine .
National Post The ''National Post'' is a Canadian English-language broadsheet newspaper available in several cities in central and western Canada. The paper is the flagship publication of Postmedia Network and is published Mondays through Saturdays, with ...
columnist
John Ivison John Ivison is a Scottish Canadian journalist and author. He is an Ottawa-based political columnist for the ''National Post'' and Ottawa Bureau Chief. Raised in Dumfries, Scotland, he worked as a reporter for ''The Scotsman'' newspaper in Edin ...
characterized the decision as
judicial activism Judicial activism is a judicial philosophy holding that the courts can and should go beyond the applicable law to consider broader societal implications of its decisions. It is sometimes used as an antonym of judicial restraint. The term usually ...
and suggested that the Court was "lurching from one erratic decision to another". On the other hand, law blog The Court preferred the majority's test, writing that “the impotency of judges to configure a sentence that is unique to each offender… open up a greater potential for failure of mandatory minimum sentences to be consistently proportionate to an offence.” The
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (french: Société Radio-Canada), branded as CBC/Radio-Canada, is a Canadian public broadcaster for both radio and television. It is a federal Crown corporation that receives funding from the government. ...
referred to the case as the latest in a "legal losing streak" for the
Conservative government Conservative or Tory government may refer to: Canada In Canadian politics, a Conservative government may refer to the following governments administered by the Conservative Party of Canada or one of its historical predecessors: * 1st Canadian Mi ...
.
Justice Minister A justice ministry, ministry of justice, or department of justice is a ministry or other government agency in charge of the administration of justice. The ministry or department is often headed by a minister of justice (minister for justice in a ...
Peter MacKay Peter Gordon MacKay (born September 27, 1965) is a Canadian lawyer and politician. He was a Member of Parliament from 1997 to 2015 and has served as Minister of Justice and Attorney General (2013–2015), Minister of National Defence (2007 ...
criticized the Supreme Court's decision to employ a "far-fetched hypothetical scenario" to invalidate the law.
Liberal Party The Liberal Party is any of many political parties around the world. The meaning of ''liberal'' varies around the world, ranging from liberal conservatism on the right to social liberalism on the left. __TOC__ Active liberal parties This is a li ...
leader
Justin Trudeau Justin Pierre James Trudeau ( , ; born December 25, 1971) is a Canadian politician who is the 23rd and current prime minister of Canada. He has served as the prime minister of Canada since 2015 and as the leader of the Liberal Party since 2 ...
was quoted as saying that mandatory minimum sentences do not "necessarily eepus that much safer and also astelarge amount of taxpayers dollars".


References

{{reflist, 2


External links


Justice Canada policy document on mandatory minimum sentences for firearm offences
Nur Canadian firearms law Nur Nur Nur