Proto-Hmong–Mien language

Proto-Hmong–Mien () is the reconstructed ancestor of the Hmong–Mien languages. Lower-level reconstructions include Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic.

The date of proto-Hmong-Mien has been estimated to be about 2500 BP by Sagart, Blench, and Sanchez-Mazas. It has been estimated to about 4243 BP by the Automated Similarity Judgment Program (ASJP), however, ASJP is not widely accepted among historical linguists as an adequate method to establish or evaluate relationships between language families.

Reconstructions

Reconstructions of Proto-Hmong–Mien include those of Purnell (1970), Wang & Mao (1995), Ratliff (2010), and Chen (2013), and Ostapirat (2016). Proto-Hmongic (Proto-Miao) has also been reconstructed by Wang (1994), while Proto-Mienic (Proto-Mjuenic; reconstruction excludes Biao Min and Zao Min) has been reconstructed by Luang-Thongkum (1993).

Ratliff (2010)

Martha Ratliff (2010) used 11 criterion languages for her reconstruction.

#East Hmongic ( Qiandong); Northern vernacular: Yanghao 养蒿, Yanghao Township, Taijiang County, Guizhou
#North Hmongic ( Xiangxi); Western vernacular: Jiwei 吉卫, Jiwei Township, Huayuan County, Hunan
#West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian): White Hmong of Laos and Thailand
#West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian); Mashan subdialect, Central vernacular: Zongdi 宗地, Zongdi Township, Ziyun County, Guizhou
#West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian); Luopohe subdialect: Fuyuan 复员, Fuyuan County, Yunnan
#Hmongic; Jiongnai: Changdong Township 长垌, Jinxiu County, Guangxi
#Hmongic; Baiyun Pa-Hng: Baiyun 白云, Rongshui County, Guangxi
#Mienic; Mien, Luoxiang vernacular: Luoxiang Township 罗香, Jinxiu County, Guangxi
#Mienic; Mun: Lanjin Township 览金, Lingyun County, Guangxi
#Mienic; Biao Min: Dongshan Yao Township 东山, Quanzhou County, Guangxi
#Mienic; Zao Min: Daping Township 大平, Liannan County, Guangdong

Wang & Mao (1995)

Wang & Mao (1995) base their Proto-Hmong–Mien reconstruction from the following 23 criterion Hmong-Mien languages.

# Yanghao 养蒿; Hmu, North (ISO 693-3: ea
# Jiwei 吉卫; Qo Xiong, West mr#Xianjin 先进 ( = Dananshan 大南山); Chuanqiandian Miao, 1st lect qd# Shimenkan 石门坎; Diandongbei Miao md# Qingyan 青岩; Guiyang Miao, North uj# Gaopo 高坡; Huishui Miao, North mi# Zongdi 宗地; Mashan Miao, Central mm# Fuyuan 复员; Luopohe Miao, 2nd lect ml# Fengxiang 枫香; Chong'anjiang Miao mj# Qibainong 七百弄; Bunu, Dongnu wx# Yaoli 瑶里; Nao Klao, Baonuo wx# Wenjie 文界; Pa-Hng, Sanjiang ha# Changdong 长峒; Jiongnai nu# Duozhu 多祝; She hx# Jiangdi 江底; Iu Mien, Guangdian um# Xiangjiang 湘江; Iu Mien, Xiangnan um# Luoxiang 罗香; Luoxiang Mien Ao Biao um# Changping 长坪; Changping Mien a.k.a. Biao Mon um# Liangzi 梁子; Kim Mun ji# Lanjin 览金; Kim Mun ji# Dongshan 东山; Biao Mon, Dongshan mt# Sanjiang 三江; Biao Mon, Shikou a.k.a. Chao Kong Meng mt# Daping 大坪; Dzao Min pn

Phonology

Ratliff (2010)

Martha Ratliff's 2010 reconstruction contains the following phonemic inventory.

*51–54 consonants (including pre-glottalized and pre-nasalized consonants)
*9 monophthong vowels
*7 diphthongs
*11 nasal rimes

The full set of Proto-Hmong–Mien initial consonants is (Ratliff 2010: 31):

The 3 medial consonants are *-j-, *-l-, and *-r-.
The 6 final stop consonants are *-p, *-t, *-k, *-m, *-n, and *-ŋ.

The Proto-Hmong–Mien vowels are (11 total) (Ratliff 2010: 108):

Proto-Hmong–Mien has the following syllable structure (Ratliff 2010:10):

Ratliff does not reconstruct vowel length for either Proto-Mienic or Proto-Hmong–Mien. Even though Mienic languages usually have vowel length, Ratliff ascribes this to areal features that were borrowed after the breakup of Proto-Mienic. Neighboring languages with vowel length include Yue Chinese and Zhuang.

Ostapirat (2016)

Ostapirat (2016) revises various reconstructed Proto-Hmong–Mien consonant initials proposed by Ratliff (2010). He suggests that many proto-initials are in fact sesquisyllables, in line with Baxter & Sagart's (2014) Old Chinese reconstruction and Pittayaporn's (2009) Proto-Tai reconstruction. Examples include reconstructing *m.l- and *m.r- where Ratliff (2010) reconstructs *mbl- and *mbr-, respectively. Hmong-Mien presyllables are further discussed in Strecker (2021).
Pre-print version

Ostapirat (2016) also reconstructs velarized initial consonants (*Cˠ-) where Ratliff (2010) reconstructs -j- or -w-.

Additionally, Ostapirat revises Ratliff's uvulars (*q-, etc.) as velars (*k-, etc.), and her palatals as either alveolars or palatals.

Vocabulary

Below are some reconstructed words roughly belonging to the semantic domains of agriculture and subsistence (Ratliff 2004; Greenhill et al. 2008; Starling 1998). Terms for domesticated animals and non-rice crops are usually shared with Chinese, while vocabulary relating to hunting, rice crops, and local plants and animals are usually not shared with Chinese.

The ethnonym Hmong is reconstructed as *hmʉŋ^A in Proto-Hmongic by Ratliff (2010), while Mien is reconstructed as *mjæn^A in Proto-Mienic. In comparison, William H. Baxter and Laurent Sagart (2014) reconstruct the Old Chinese name of the Mán 蠻 (Nanman 南蠻, or southern foreigners) as *mˤro

External relationships

The Proto-Hmong–Mien language shares many lexical similarities with neighboring language families, including Austroasiatic, Kra-Dai (Tai-Kadai), Austronesian, and Tibeto-Burman (Ratliff 2010). Martha Ratliff (2010:233-237) lists the following lexical resemblances between Proto-Hmong–Mien (abbreviated below as PHM) and other language families. Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic are provided if the Proto-Hmong–Mien form is not reconstructed.

Austroasiatic

Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic language families (Ratliff 2010), some of which had earlier been proposed by Haudricourt (1951). Proto-Austroasiatic (PAA) reconstructions are from Sidwell & Rau (2015).Sidwell, Paul and Felix Rau (2015). "Austroasiatic Comparative-Historical Reconstruction: An Overview." In Jenny, Mathias and Paul Sidwell, eds (2015). ''The Handbook of Austroasiatic Languages''. Leiden: Brill.

;Lexical resemblances with Austroasiatic
*PHM *ʔu̯əm 'water'
*PHM *ntshjamX 'blood'; PAA *saːm 'to bleed'
*PHM *ntju̯əŋH 'tree'
*PHM *ʔɲæmX 'to weep, cry'
*PHM *pənX 'to shoot'
*PHM *tu̯eiX 'tail'; PAA *sntaʔ
*PHM *mpeiH 'to dream'
*PHM *ʔpu̯ɛŋX 'full'; PAA *biːŋ; *beːɲ
*Proto-Hmongic *mbrɔ^D 'ant'
*Proto-Mienic *səp^D 'centipede'
*PHM *klup 'grasshopper'
*PHM *ntshjeiX 'head louse'; PAA *ciːʔ

Other Austroasiatic parallels listed by Kosaka (2002:94) are:Kosaka, Ryuichi. 2002.
On the affiliation of Miao-Yao and Kadai: can we posit the Miao-Dai Family?
In ''The Mon-Khmer Studies Journal'', 32: 71-100.
*PHM *tshuŋX 'bone'; PAA *cʔaːŋ
*PHM *S-phreiX 'head'
*PHM *pji̯əuX 'fruit'
*PHM *pjɔu 'three'

Ostapirat (2018:116-117) lists compares the following basic vocabulary items in Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic. Proto-Palaungic as reconstructed by Sidwell (2015) has also been reconstructed.

Further lexical resemblances between Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic are listed in Hsiu (2017).

Kra-Dai

Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Kra-Dai language families, although the tones often do not correspond (Ratliff 2010). Proto-Tai (abbreviated here as PT) reconstructions are from Pittayaporn (2009). Many of the Proto-Tai forms also have close parallels with Proto-Austronesian.

;Lexical resemblances with Kra-Dai
*Proto-Hmongic *kɛŋ^B 'I, 1.'; PT *kuː^A (strong form), *kaw^A (weak form)
*PHM *mu̯ei 'thou, 2.'; PT *mɯŋ^A (strong form), *maɰ^A (weak form)
*PHM *təjH 'to die', *dəjH 'to kill'; PT *p.taːj^A 'to die'
*PHM *ʔneinX 'this'; PT *naj^C
*PHM *m-nɔk 'bird'; PT *C̬.nok^D
*PHM *mbrəuX 'fish'; PT *plaː^A
*Proto-Hmongic *hmaŋ^C 'wild dog'; PT *ʰmaː^A 'dog'
*Proto-Hmongic *ʔlin^A 'monkey'; PT *liːŋ^A

Kosaka (2002) lists many lexical resemblances between Kra-Dai and Hmong-Mien languages, and proposes that they form part of a larger ''Miao-Dai'' language family.

Austronesian

Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Austronesian language families, some of which are also shared with Kra-Dai and Austroasiatic (Ratliff 2010). Proto-Austronesian (abbreviated here as PAN) and Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (abbreviated here as PMP) reconstructions are from Blust (n.d.).

;Lexical resemblances with Austronesian and Kra-Dai
*Proto-Hmongic *kɛŋ^B 'I, 1.'; PMP *-ku 'my'
*PHM *mu̯ei 'thou, 2.'; PAN *-mu '2nd person'
*PHM *mi̯əu 'you (plural), 2.'; PAN *-mu '2nd person'
*PHM *təjH 'to die'; PAN *ma-aCay
*PHM *dəjH 'to kill'; PAN *pa-aCay
*PHM *m-nɔk 'bird'; PMP *manuk

;Lexical resemblances with Austronesian and Austroasiatic
*PHM *tu̯eiX 'tail'; PMP *buntut
*PHM *pu̯ɛŋX 'full'; PMP *penuq
*PHM *pənX 'to shoot'; PMP *panaq
*PHM *mpeiH 'to dream'; PAN *Sepi, PMP *hi(m)pi

;Other lexical resemblances with Austronesian
*PHM *mlu̯ɛjH 'soft'; PMP *ma-lumu
*PHM *dəp 'bite'; PMP *ketep
*PHM *klæŋ 'insect, worm, maggot'; PAN *qulej 'maggot'
*PHM *tɛmX 'body louse'; PAN *CumeS, PMP *tumah 'clothes louse'

Tibeto-Burman

Ratliff notes that the Hmong-Mien numerals from 4-9 and various culture-related vocabulary have been borrowed from Tibeto-Burman. The Proto-Tibeto-Burman (abbreviated as PTB) forms provided below are from James Matisoff (2003).

;Lexical borrowings from Tibeto-Burman
*PHM *plei 'four' < PTB *b-ləy (STEDT
2409

*PHM *prja 'five' < PTB *b-ŋa (STEDT
1306

*PHM *kruk 'six' < PTB *d-k-ruk (STEDT
2621

*PHM *dzjuŋH 'seven'
*PHM *jat 'eight' < PTB *b-r-gyat ~ *b-g-ryat (STEDT
2259

*PHM *N-ɟuə 'nine' < PTB *d/s-kəw (STEDT
2364

*Proto-Hmongic *hnɛŋ^A and Proto-Mienic *hnu̯ɔi^A 'sun, day' < PTB *s-nəy (STEDT
85

*PHM *hlaH 'moon, month' < PTB *s-la (STEDT
1016

*PHM *hməŋH 'night' (also 'dark') < PTB *s-muːŋ 'dark' (STEDT
522

2465

*PHM *ʔɲam 'sister-in-law' (also 'daughter-in-law') < PTB *nam 'daughter-in-law' (STEDT
2486

*PHM *ʔweiX 'son-in-law' < PTB *krwəy (STEDT
2348

*PHM *hlep 'to slice' < PTB *s-lep (STEDT
2401

*PHM *hmjænX 'footprint, track' < PTB *s-naŋ 'to follow' (STEDT
2488

*Proto-Hmongic *mjæn^B 'horse' < PTB *mraŋ (STEDT
1431

Additionally, Paul K. Benedict (1987)Benedict, Paul K. 1987.
Early MY/TB Loan Relationships
" In Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area, 10, no. 2: 12-21. notes that Proto-Hmong–Mien contains loanwords from an unknown Tibeto-Burman language or branch, which Benedict refers to as ''Donor Miao-Yao''. Some numerals that Benedict (1987) reconstructed for ''Proto-Donor Miao-Yao'' are given below.
* *pli^A 'four'
* *pra^A 'five'
* *truk 'six'
* *znis 'seven'
* *hryat 'eight'
* *t-gu^A 'nine'
* *gup 'ten'

Guillaume Jacques (2021) notes that there are Tibeto-Burman parallels for various Hmong-Mien words that are found specifically in rGyalrongic and neighboring Qiangic languages. These include the words for 'snow' (cf. Jiangdi Mien bwan⁵), 'scold' (Proto-Hmongic *qe C), 'walnut' (Proto-Hmongic *qlow C), and 'bamboo' (Proto-Hmong-Mien *hləwX).

See also

* Proto-Hmong-Mien reconstructions (Wiktionary)
* Proto-Hmongic reconstructions (Wiktionary)
* Proto-Mienic reconstructions (Wiktionary)
* Hmong-Mien comparative vocabulary list (Wiktionary)

Notes

References

Citations

Sources

*Aumann, Greg; Sidwell, Paul. (2004)
"Subgrouping of Mienic Languages: Some Observations"
In ''Papers from the Eleventh Annual Meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society'' (pp. 13–27).
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* Chen Qiguang ��其光(2013). ''Miao and Yao language'' ��瑶语文 Beijing: Ethnic Publishing House ��族出版社
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*
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* Miyake, Marc. 2012
Were there Hmong in the Tangut Empire?
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*Solnit, David B. (1996)
"Some evidence from Biao Min on the initials of Proto-Mienic (Yao) and Proto-Hmong-Mien (Miao-Yao)"
''Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area, 19''(1), 1-18.
* Wang Fushi 王辅世, Mao Zongwu 毛宗武. 1995. ''Miao-Yao yu guyin gouni'' 苗瑤语古音构拟. Beijing: China Social Sciences Academy Press 中国社会科学出版社.

{{DEFAULTSORT:Proto-Hmong-Mien Language
Hmong–Mien languages
Hmong-Mien