Pronunciation of English ⟨th⟩

In English, the digraph represents in most cases one of two different phonemes: the voiced dental fricative (as in ''this'') and the voiceless dental fricative (''thing''). More rarely, it can stand for (''Thailand'', ''Thomas'') or the cluster (''eighth''). In compound words, may be a consonant sequence rather than a digraph, as in the of ''lighthouse''.

General description

In standard English, the phonetic realization of the dental fricative phonemes shows less variation than for many other English consonants. Both are pronounced either interdentally, with the blade of the tongue resting against the lower part of the back of the upper teeth and the tip protruding slightly, or with the tip of the tongue against the back of the upper teeth. These two positions may be in free variation, but for some speakers they are in complementary distribution, the position behind the teeth being used when the dental fricative stands in proximity to an alveolar fricative or , as in ''myths'' () or ''clothes'' (). Lip configuration may vary depending on phonetic context. The vocal folds are abducted. The velopharyngeal port is closed. Air forced between tongue surface and cutting edge of the upper teeth (interdental) or inside surface of the teeth (dental) creates audible frictional turbulence.

The difference between and is normally described as a voiceless–voiced contrast, as this is the aspect native speakers are most aware of. However, the two phonemes are also distinguished by other phonetic markers. There is a difference of energy (see: Fortis and lenis), the fortis being pronounced with more muscular tension than the lenis . Also, is more strongly aspirated than , as can be demonstrated by holding a hand a few centimeters in front of the mouth and noticing the differing force of the puff of air created by the articulatory process.

Assimilation

As with many English consonants, a process of assimilation can result in the substitution of other speech sounds in certain phonetic environments. Native speakers do this subconsciously.

At word boundaries, alveolar stops next to dental fricatives assimilate very regularly, especially in rapid colloquial speech, involving both the place of articulation and the manner of articulation: the '' alveolar'' stops become '' dental'', while the dental ''fricatives'' become '' stops''. The resulting consonant is usually long (geminated) which may be the only audible cue for the speaker to distinguish particular words (for example, the definite and indefinite articles, compare "run the mile" and "run a mile" ).
: ''in the'': →
: ''join the army'': →
: ''read these'': →
: ''right there'': → (more commonly: , with a glottal stop)
: ''fail the test'': →

The alveolar fricatives may become dental as well:
: ''this thing'': → or
: ''takes them'': → or
: ''was this'': → or

and can also be lost through elision: ''months'' , ''clothes'' .
In rapid speech, may be pronounced like ''six''. ''Them'' may be contracted to '''em'', and in this case the contraction is often indicated in writing. Some linguists see '' 'em'' as originally a separate word, a remnant of Old English ''hem'', but as the apostrophe shows, it is perceived in modern English as a contraction of ''them''.

Dialectal realizations

In some dialects, both as spoken by native speakers and by L2 speakers of English, the "th"-sound phonemes and are pronounced differently from the dental fricatives and . Most common are: substitution with labiodental fricatives and (fronting), substitution with alveolar stops and (stopping), and substitution with alveolar fricatives and (alveolarization). Fronting and stopping are more common among native speakers of English dialects, whereas alveolarization is more common among language learners whose first languages are French, German, or Mandarin. To speakers of varieties in which and are pronounced and , fronting and stopping are generally considered to have less of a marked contrast with the standard pronunciation than alveolarization, which is often more stigmatized.

A fourth, less common substitution is for word-initially or intervocalically. This is called debuccalization, and somewhat prevalent in Scottish English.

th-fronting

In some areas, such as London, and certain dialects, including African American Vernacular English and less commonly New Zealand, many people realise the phonemes and as and , respectively. Although traditionally stigmatised as typical of a Cockney accent, this pronunciation is fairly widespread, especially when immediately surrounded by other fricatives for ease of pronunciation, and has, in the early 20th century, become an increasingly noticeable feature of the Estuary English accent of South East England. It has in at least one case been transferred into standard English as a neologism: a ''bovver boy'' is a thug, a "boy" who likes "bother" (fights). Joe Brown and his Bruvvers was a Pop group of the 1960s. The song "Fings ain't wot they used t'be" was the title song of a 1959 Cockney comedy. Similarly, a New Zealander from the northernmost parts of the country might state that he or she is from "Norfland".

Note that, at least in Cockney, a word beginning with (as opposed to its voiceless counterpart ) can never be labiodental. Instead, it is realised as any of , or is dropped altogether.

th-stopping

Many speakers of African American Vernacular English, Caribbean English, Liberian English, Nigerian English, Philadelphia English, and Philippine English (along with other Asian English varieties) pronounce the fricatives as alveolar stops . Similarly, but still distinctly, many speakers of New York City English, Chicago English, Boston English, Indian English, Newfoundland English, and Hiberno-English use the dental stops (typically distinct from alveolar ) instead of, or in free variation with, .

In Cockney, the th-stopping may occur when a word begins with (but not its voiceless counterpart ). This is also associated with the accent of the English city of Sheffield (such as the nickname ''dee-dahs'' for residents) but such pronunciations are now confined to the very oldest residents of Sheffield.

th-alveolarization

Th-alveolarization is a process that occurs in some African varieties of English where the dental fricatives merge with the alveolar fricatives and . It is an example of assibilation.

In rarer or older varieties of African American Vernacular English, may be pronounced after a vowel and before another consonant, as in ''bathroom'' .

Th-alveolarization is often parodied as typical of French- and German-speaking learners of English, but it is widespread among many other foreign learners because the dental fricative "th" sounds are not very common among the world's languages. Due to the said ridicule, learners who are unable to realize these sounds sometimes opt for the less marked th-fronting or th-stopping instead of alveolarization.

th-debuccalization

In many varieties of Scottish English, becomes word initially and intervocalically.

Th-debuccalization occurs mainly in Glasgow and across the Central Belt. A common example is for ''think''. This feature is becoming more common in these places over time, but is still variable. In word final position, is used, as in standard English.

The existence of local for in Glasgow complicates the process of th-fronting there, a process which gives for historical . Unlike in the other dialects with th-fronting, where solely varies with , in Glasgow, the introduction of th-fronting there creates a three-way variant system of , and .

Use of marks the local educated norms (the regional standard), while use of and instead mark the local non-standard norms. is well known in Glasgow as a vernacular variant of when it occurs at the start of a word and intervocalically, while has only recently risen above the level of social consciousness.

Given that th-fronting is a relatively recent innovation in Glasgow, it was expected that linguists might find evidence for lexical diffusion for and the results found from Glaswegian speakers confirm this. The existing and particular lexical distribution of th-debuccalization imposes special constraints on the progress of th-fronting in Glasgow.

In accents with th-debuccalization, the cluster becomes , giving these dialects a consonant cluster that does not occur in other dialects. The replacement of with leads to pronunciations like:

* three –
* throw –
* through, threw –
* thrash –
* thresh –
* thrown, throne –
* thread –
* threat –

Acquisition problems

Children generally learn the less marked phonemes of their native language before the more marked ones. In the case of English-speaking children, and are often among the last phonemes to be learnt, frequently not being mastered before the age of five. Prior to this age, many children substitute the sounds and respectively. For small children, ''fought'' and ''thought'' are therefore homophones. As British and American children begin school at age four and five respectively, this means that many are learning to read and write before they have sorted out these sounds, and the infantile pronunciation is frequently reflected in their spelling errors: ''ve fing'' for ''the thing''.

Children with a lisp, however, have trouble distinguishing and from and respectively in speech, using a single or pronunciation for both, and may never master the correct sounds without speech therapy. The lisp is a common speech impediment in English.

Foreign learners may have parallel problems. Learners from very many cultural backgrounds have difficulties with English dental fricatives, usually caused by interference with either sibilants or stops. Words with a dental fricative adjacent to an alveolar fricative, such as ''clothes'' , ''truths'' , ''fifths'' , ''sixths'' , ''anesthetic'' , etc., are commonly very difficult for foreign learners to pronounce. Some of these words containing consonant clusters can also be difficult for native speakers, including those using the standard and pronunciations generally, allowing such accepted informal pronunciations of ''clothes'' as (a homophone of the verb ''close'') and as .

Phonology and distribution

In modern English, and bear a phonemic relationship to each other, as is demonstrated by the presence of a small number of minimal pairs: ''thigh:thy, ether:either, teeth:teethe''. Thus they are distinct phonemes (units of sound, differences in which can affect meaning), as opposed to allophones (different pronunciations of a phoneme having no effect on meaning). They are distinguished from the neighbouring labiodental fricatives, sibilants and alveolar stops by such minimal pairs as ''thought:fought/sought/taught'' and ''then:Venn/Zen/den''.

The vast majority of words in English with have , and almost all newly created words do. However, the constant recurrence of the function words, particularly ''the'', means that is nevertheless more frequent in actual use.

The distribution pattern may be summed up in the following rule of thumb, which is valid in most cases: in an initial position, is used except in certain function words; in a medial position, is used except for certain foreign loan words; and in final position, is used except in certain verbs. A more detailed explanation follows.

Initial position

*Almost all words beginning with a dental fricative have .
*A small number of common function words (the Middle English anomalies mentioned below) begin with . The words in this group are:
**1 definite article: ''the
**4 demonstratives: ''this, that, these, those''
**2 personal pronouns each with multiple forms: ''thou, thee, thy, thine, thyself; they, them, their, theirs, themselves, themself''
**7 adverbs and conjunctions: ''there, then, than, thus, though, thence, thither'' (though in the United States ''thence'' and ''thither'' may be pronounced with initial The American Heritage Dictionary, 1969.)
**Various compound adverbs based on the above words: ''therefore, thereupon, thereby, thereafter, thenceforth'', etc.
*A few words have an initial for (e.g. ''Thomas''): see below.

Medial position

*Most native words with a medial have .
**Between vowels (including r-colored vowels), followed by a weak vowel: ''heathen, farthing, fathom, Worthington''; and the frequent combination -ther-: ''bother, brother, dither, either, farther, father, further, heather, lather, mother, northern, other, rather, smithereens, slither, southern, together, weather, whether, wither''; ''Caruthers, Netherlands, Witherspoon''.
**Followed by : ''brethren''.
*A few native words have a medial :
**The suffixes ''-y, -ly, -ing'' and ''-ed'' normally leave terminal unchanged: ''earthy, healthy, pithy, stealthy, wealthy, bothy'' (from ''booth''); ''fourthly'', ''monthly''; ''earthing''; ''frothed''; but ''worthy'' and ''swarthy'' have .
**Some plurals have , as discussed in more detail below.
**Compound words in which the first element ends or the second element begins with frequently have , as these elements would in isolation: ''bathroom, Southampton; anything, everything, nothing, something''.
**The only other native words with medial would seem to be ''brothel'' (usually) and ''Ethel''.
*Most loan words with a medial have .
**From Greek: ''Agatha, anthem, atheist, Athens, athlete, cathedral, Catherine, Cathy, enthusiasm, ether, ethics, ethnic, lethal, lithium, mathematics, method, methyl, mythical, panther, pathetic, sympathy''
**From Latin: ''author, authority'' (though in Latin these had ; see below). Also names borrowed from or via Latin: ''Bertha, Gothic, Hathaway, Othello, Parthian''
**From Celtic languages: ''Arthur'' (Welsh has medially: ); ''Abernathy, Abernethy'', as an anglicization, though Gaelic has no .
**From Hebrew: ''Ethan'', ''Jonathan'', ''Bethlehem'', ''Bethany'', ''Leviathan'', ''Bethel''
**From German: ''Luther'', as an anglicised spelling pronunciation (see below).
*Loanwords with medial :
**Greek words with the combination -thm-: ''algorithm, logarithm, rhythm''. Exception : arithmetic . The word ''asthma'' may be pronounced or , though here the is usually silent.
*A few words have a medial for or (e.g. ''lighthouse''): see below.

Final position

*Nouns and adjectives
**Nouns and adjectives ending in a dental fricative usually have : ''bath, breath, cloth, froth, health, hearth, loath, mouth, sheath, sooth, tooth/teeth, width, wreath''.
**Exceptions are usually marked in the spelling with a silent : ''tithe, lathe, lithe'' with .
**''blithe'' can have either or . ''booth'' has in England but in America.
*Verbs
**Verbs ending in a dental fricative usually have , and are frequently spelled with a silent : ''bathe, breathe, clothe, loathe, scathe, scythe, seethe, sheathe, soothe, teethe, tithe, wreathe, writhe.'' Spelled without : ''mouth'' (verb) nevertheless has .
**''froth'' has whether as a noun or as a verb.
**The verb endings -s, -ing, -ed do not change the pronunciation of a in the final position in the stem: ''bathe'' has , therefore so do ''bathed, bathing, bathes''; ''frothing'' has . Likewise ''clothing'' used as a noun, ''scathing'' as an adjective etc.
**The archaic verb inflection "-eth" has .
*Others
**''with'' has either or (see below), as do its compounds: ''within'', ''without'', ''outwith'', ''withdraw'', ''withhold'', ''withstand'', ''wherewithal'', etc.

Plurals

*Plural after may be realised as either or :
**Some plural nouns ending in , with a preceding vowel, have , although the singulars always have ; however, a variant in will be found for many of these: ''baths, mouths, oaths, paths, sheaths, truths, wreaths, youths'' exist in both varieties; ''clothes'' always has (if not pronounced ).
**Others have only /θs/: ''azimuths, breaths, cloths, deaths, faiths, Goths, growths, mammoths, moths, myths, smiths, sloths, zeniths'', etc. This includes all words in 'th' preceded by a consonant (''earths'', ''hearths'', ''lengths'', ''months'', ''widths'', etc.) and all numeric words, whether preceded by vowel or consonant (''fourths, fifths, sixths, sevenths, eighths'' , ''twelfths, fifteenths, twentieths, hundredths'' , ''thousandths'').
**''Booth'' has in the singular and hence in the plural for most speakers in England. In American English, it has in the singular and or in the plural. This pronunciation also prevails in Scotland.

Grammatical alternation

In pairs of related words, an alternation between and is possible, which may be thought of as a kind of consonant mutation. Typically appears in the singular of a noun, in the plural and in the related verb: ''cloth'' , ''clothes'' , ''to clothe'' . This is directly comparable to the or alternation in ''house, houses'' or ''wolf, wolves''. It goes back to the allophonic variation in Old English (see below), where it was possible for to be in final position and thus voiceless in the basic form of a word, but in medial position and voiced in a related form. The loss of inflections then brought the voiced medial consonant to the end of the word. Often a remnant of the old inflection can be seen in the spelling in the form of a silent , which may be thought of synchronically as a marker of the voicing.

Regional differences in distribution

The above discussion follows Daniel Jones' English Pronouncing Dictionary, an authority on standard British English, and Webster's New World College Dictionary, an authority on American English. Usage appears much the same between the two. Regional variation within standard English includes the following:
*The final consonant in ''with'' is pronounced (its original pronunciation) in northern Britain, but in the south, though some speakers of Southern British English use before a voiceless consonant and before a voiced one. A 1993 postal poll of American English speakers showed that 84% use , while 16% have (Shitara 1993). (The variant with is presumably a sandhi development.)
*In Scottish English, is found in many words which have further south. The phenomenon of nouns terminating in taking plurals in does not occur in the north. Thus the following have : ''baths'', ''mouths'' (noun), ''truths''. Scottish English does have the termination in verb forms, however, such as ''bathes'', ''mouths'' (verb), ''loathes'', and also in the noun ''clothes'', which is a special case, as it has to be clearly distinguished from ''cloths''. Scottish English also has in ''with, booth, thence'' etc., and the Scottish pronunciation of ''thither'', almost uniquely, has both and in the same word. Where there is an American-British difference, the North of Britain generally agrees with the United States on this phoneme pair.
*Some dialects of American English use at the beginning of the word "thank".

History of the English phonemes

Germanic origins

Proto-Indo-European (PIE) had no dental fricatives, but these evolved in the earliest stages of the Germanic languages. In Proto-Germanic, and were separate phonemes, usually represented in Germanic studies by the symbols *đ and *þ.
* *đ () was derived by Grimm's law from PIE *dʰ or by Verner's law (i.e. when immediately following an unstressed syllable) from PIE *t.
* *þ () was derived by Grimm's law from PIE *t.
In West Germanic, the Proto-Germanic *đ shifted further to *d, leaving only one dental fricative phoneme. However, a new appeared as an allophone of in medial positions by assimilation of the voicing of the surrounding vowels. remained in initial and presumably in final positions (though later terminal devoicing would in any case have eliminated the evidence of final ). This West Germanic phoneme, complete with its distribution of allophones, survived into Old English. In German and Dutch, it shifted to a , the allophonic distinction simply being lost. In German, West Germanic *d shifted to in what may be thought of as a chain shift, but in Dutch, *þ, *đ and *d merged into a single .

The whole complex of Germanic dentals, and the place of the fricatives within it, can be summed up in this table:

Note that this table shows only the basic rules. The actual developments in all of the mentioned languages are more complicated (due to dialectal variation, peculiar developments in consonant clusters, etc.). For more on these phonemes from a comparative perspective, see Grammatischer Wechsel. For the developments in German and Dutch see High German consonant shift.

Old English

Thus English inherited a phoneme in positions where other West Germanic languages have and most other Indo-European languages have : English ''three'', German ''drei'', Latin ''tres''.

In Old English, the phoneme , like all fricative phonemes in the language, had two allophones, one voiced and one voiceless, which were distributed regularly according to phonetic environment.
* (like and ) was used between two voiced sounds (either vowels or voiced consonants).
* (like and ) was spoken in initial and final position, and also medially if adjacent to another unvoiced consonant.

Although Old English had two graphemes to represent these sounds, (thorn) and ( eth), it used them interchangeably, unlike Old Icelandic, which used for and for .

Development up to Modern English

The most important development on the way to modern English was the investing of the existing distinction between and with phonemic value. Minimal pairs, and hence the phonological independence of the two phones, developed as a result of three main processes.

#In early Middle English times, a group of very common function words beginning with (the, they, there, etc.) came to be pronounced with instead of . Possibly this was a sandhi development; as these words are frequently found in unstressed positions, they can sometimes appear to run on from the preceding word, which may have resulted in the dental fricative being treated as though it were word-internal. This allowed a word-initial minimal pair like ''thigh:thy''.
#English has borrowed many words from Greek, including a vast number of scientific terms. Where the original Greek had the letter (theta), English usually retained the Late Greek pronunciation regardless of phonetic environment, resulting in the presence of in medial position (''anthem'', ''methyl'', etc.). This allowed a medial minimal pair like ''ether:either''.
#English has lost its original verb inflections. When the stem of a verb ends with a dental fricative, this was usually followed by a vowel in Old English, and was therefore voiced. It is still voiced in modern English, even though the verb inflection has disappeared leaving the at the end of the word. Examples are to bathe, to mouth, to breathe. Sometimes a remnant of the original vowel remained in the spelling (see: Silent e), but this was inconsistent. This allowed a minimal pair in final position like ''loath:loathe''.

Other changes that affected these phonemes included a shift → when followed by unstressed suffix -er. Thus Old English ''fæder'' became modern English ''father''; likewise ''mother, gather, hither, together, weather'' (from ''mōdor, gaderian, hider, tōgædere, weder''). In a reverse process, Old English ''byrþen'' and ''morþor'' or ''myþra'' become ''burden'' and ''murder'' (compare the obsolete variants ''burthen'' and ''murther'').

Dialectally, the alternation between and sometimes extends to other words, as ''bladder, ladder, solder'' with (possibly being restricted elsewhere by the former two clashing with ''blather'' and ''lather''). On the other hand, some dialects retain original ''d,'' and extend it to other words, as ''brother, further, rather''. The Welsh name ''Llewelyn'' appears in older English texts as ''Thlewelyn'' ( Rolls of Parliament (''Rotuli parliamentorum'') I. 463/1, King Edward I or II), and ''Fluellen'' (Shakespeare, ''Henry V''). ''Th'' also occurs dialectally for ''wh,'' as in ''thirl, thortleberry, thorl,'' for ''whirl, whortleberry, whorl''. Conversely, Scots has , , , ,'' for , , , .

The old verb inflection ''-eth'' (Old English ''-eþ'') was replaced by ''-s'' (''he singeth → he sings''), not a sound shift but a completely new inflection, the origin of which is still being debated. Possibilities include alveolarization (since ''s'' is easier to pronounce there than ''th''), or displacement by a nonstandard English dialect.

History of the digraph

for /θ/ and /ð/

Though English speakers take it for granted, the digraph is in fact not an obvious combination for a dental fricative. The origins of this have to do with developments in Greek.

Proto-Indo-European had an aspirated that came into Greek as , spelled with the letter theta. In the Greek of Homer and Plato, this was still pronounced , and therefore when Greek words were borrowed into Latin, theta was transcribed with . Since sounds like with a following puff of air, was the logical spelling in the Latin alphabet.

By the time of New Testament Greek ( koiné), however, the aspirated stop had shifted to a fricative: . Thus theta came to have the sound that it still has in Modern Greek, and which it represents in the IPA. From a Latin perspective, the established digraph now represented the voiceless fricative , and was used thus for English by French-speaking scribes after the Norman Conquest, since they were unfamiliar with the Germanic graphemes ð (eth) and þ (thorn). Likewise, the spelling was used for in Old High German prior to the completion of the High German consonant shift, again by analogy with the way Latin represented the Greek sound. It also appeared in early modern Swedish before a final shift to /d/.

The history of the digraphs for and for Scots, Welsh or German is parallel.

for /t/

Since neither nor was a native sound in Latin, the tendency must have emerged early, and at the latest by medieval Latin, to substitute . Thus, in many modern languages, including French and German, the digraph is used in Greek loan-words to represent an original , but is now pronounced : examples are French ''théâtre'', German ''Theater''. In some cases, this etymological , which has no remaining significance for pronunciation, has been transferred to words in which there is no etymological justification for it. For example, German ''Tal'' ('valley', cognate with English ''dale'') appears in many place-names with an archaic spelling ''Thal'' (contrast Neandertal and Neanderthal). The German spelling reform of 1901 largely reversed these, but they remain in some proper nouns. The name ''Rothschild'' is an example of this, being a compound of ("red") and ''Schild'' ("shield").

Examples of this are also to be found in English, perhaps influenced immediately by French. In some Middle English manuscripts, appears for or : ''tho'' 'to' or 'do', ''thyll'' till, ''whythe'' white, ''thede'' deed. In Modern English we see it in ''Esther'', ''Thomas'', ''Thames'', ''thyme'', ''Witham'' (the town in Essex, not the river in Lincolnshire which is pronounced with ) and the old spelling of Satan as ''Sathan''. More recently, the name of the capital of Nepal was often written ''Katmandu'' down to the late 20th century, but is now usually spelt ''Kathmandu''.

In a small number of cases, this spelling later influenced the pronunciation: ''amaranth, amianthus'' and ''author'' have spelling pronunciations with , and some English speakers use in ''Neanderthal''.

for /th/

A few English compound words, such as ''lightheaded'' or ''hothouse'', have the letter combination split between the parts, though this is not a digraph. Here, the and are pronounced separately (''light-headed'') as a cluster of two consonants. Other examples are ''anthill, goatherd, lighthouse, outhouse, pothead''; also in words formed with the suffix -''hood'': ''knighthood'', and the similarly formed Afrikaans loanword ''apartheid''. In a few place names ending in t+ham, the t-h boundary has been lost and become a spelling pronunciation, for example Grantham.

See also

*Pronunciation
*English pronunciation
*Received Pronunciation
* Spelling pronunciation
* Non-native pronunciations of English
*English orthography
*Thorn
* Eth

References

Citations

Sources

*
* Shitara, Yuko (1993). "A survey of American pronunciation preferences." ''Speech Hearing and Language'' 7: 201–32.
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{{DEFAULTSORT:Pronunciation Of English Th
English phonology
English th