SourcesThe reconstruction of Middle Chinese phonology is largely dependent upon detailed descriptions in a few original sources. The most important of these is the ''Qieyun'' (601) and its revisions. The ''Qieyun'' is often used together with interpretations in s such as the ', ', and the later ''Qieyun zhizhangtu'' and ''Sisheng dengzi''. The documentary sources are supplemented by comparison with modern , pronunciation of Chinese words borrowed by other languages (particularly , and ), of foreign names, transcription of Chinese names in alphabetic scripts (such as , and Uyghur), and evidence regarding rhyme and tone patterns from classical .
Rime dictionariesChinese scholars of the period were concerned with the correct recitation of the classics. Various schools produced dictionaries to codify reading pronunciations and the associated rhyme conventions of regulated verse. The ' (601) was an attempt to merge the distinctions in six earlier dictionaries, which were eclipsed by its success and are no longer extant. It was accepted as the standard reading pronunciation during the , and went through several revisions and expansions over the following centuries. The ''Qieyun'' is thus the oldest surviving rhyme dictionary and the main source for the pronunciation of characters in Early Middle Chinese (EMC). At the time of 's seminal work on Middle Chinese in the early 20th century, only fragments of the ''Qieyun'' were known, and scholars relied on the ' (1008), a much expanded edition from the Song dynasty. However, significant sections of a version of the ''Qieyun'' itself were subsequently discovered in the caves of , and a complete copy of Wang Renxu's 706 edition from the Palace Library was found in 1947. The rhyme dictionaries organize Chinese characters by their pronunciation, according to a hierarchy of tone, rhyme and homophony. Characters with identical pronunciations are grouped into homophone classes, whose pronunciation is described using two ' characters, the first of which has the initial sound of the characters in the homophone class and second of which has the same sound as the rest of the syllable (the final). The use of ''fanqie'' was an important innovation of the ''Qieyun'' and allowed the pronunciation of all characters to be described exactly; earlier dictionaries simply described the pronunciation of unfamiliar characters in terms of the most similar-sounding familiar character. The ''fanqie'' system uses multiple equivalent characters to represent each particular initial, and likewise for finals. The categories of initials and finals actually represented were first identified by the Cantonese scholar in a careful analysis published in his ''Qièyùn kǎo'' (1842). Chen's method was to equate two ''fanqie'' initials (or finals) whenever one was used in the ''fanqie'' spelling of the pronunciation of the other, and to follow chains of such equivalences to identify groups of spellers for each initial or final. For example, the pronunciation of the character was given using the ''fanqie'' spelling , the pronunciation of was given as , and the pronunciation of was given as , from which we can conclude that the words , and all had the same initial sound. The ''Qieyun'' classified homonyms under 193 rhyme classes, each of which is placed within one of the four tones. A single rhyme class may contain multiple finals, generally differing only in the medial (especially when it is /w/) or in so-called ' doublets.
Rhyme tablesThe ' (c. 1150 AD) is the oldest of the so-called s, which provide a more detailed phonological analysis of the system contained in the ''Qieyun''. The ''Yunjing'' was created centuries after the ''Qieyun'', and the authors of the ''Yunjing'' were attempting to interpret a phonological system that differed in significant ways from that of their own Late Middle Chinese (LMC) dialect. They were aware of this, and attempted to reconstruct ''Qieyun'' phonology as well as possible through a close analysis of regularities in the system and co-occurrence relationships between the initials and finals indicated by the ''fanqie'' characters. However, the analysis inevitably shows some influence from LMC, which needs to be taken into account when interpreting difficult aspects of the system. The ''Yunjing'' is organized into 43 tables, each covering several ''Qieyun'' rhyme classes, and classified as: * One of 16 broad rhyme classes (''shè''), each described as either "inner" or "outer". The meaning of this is debated but it has been suggested that it refers to the height of the main vowel, with "outer" finals having an ( or ) and "inner" finals having a or . * "open mouth" or "closed mouth", indicating whether is present. "Closed" finals either have a rounded vowel (e.g. ) or rounded glide. Each table has 23 columns, one for each initial consonant. Although the ''Yunjing'' distinguishes 36 initials, they are placed in 23 columns by combining palatals, retroflexes, and dentals under the same column. This does not lead to cases where two homophone classes are conflated, as the grades (rows) are arranged so that all would-be distinguished only by the retroflex vs. palatal vs. alveolar character of the initial end up in different rows. Each initial is further classified as follows: * : , , , and , and laryngeals * : voiceless, voiceless aspirated, voiced, or Each table also has 16 rows, with a group of 4 rows for each of the 4 tones of the traditional system in which finals ending in , or are considered to be variants of finals ending in , or rather than separate finals in their own right. The significance of the 4 rows within each tone is difficult to interpret, and is strongly debated. These rows are usually denoted I, II, III and IV, and are thought to relate to differences in or of the syllable's initial or medial, or differences in the quality of similar main vowels (e.g. , , ). Other scholars view them not as phonetic categories but formal devices exploiting distributional patterns in the ''Qieyun'' to achieve a compact presentation. Each square in a table contains a character corresponding to a particular homophone class in the ''Qieyun'', if any such character exists. From this arrangement, each homophone class can be placed in the above categories.
Modern dialects and Sino-Xenic pronunciationsThe rime dictionaries and rime tables identify categories of phonetic distinctions, but do not indicate the actual pronunciations of these categories. The varied pronunciations of words in modern can help, but most modern varieties descend from a Late Middle Chinese and cannot very easily be used to determine the pronunciation of Early Middle Chinese. During the Early Middle Chinese period, large amounts of Chinese vocabulary were systematically borrowed by Vietnamese, Korean and Japanese (collectively known as ), but many distinctions were inevitably lost in mapping Chinese phonology onto foreign phonological systems. For example, the following table shows the pronunciation of the numerals in three modern Chinese varieties, as well as borrowed forms in Vietnamese, Korean and Japanese:
Transcription evidenceAlthough the evidence from Chinese transcriptions of foreign words is much more limited, and is similarly obscured by the mapping of foreign pronunciations onto Chinese phonology, it serves as direct evidence of a sort that is lacking in all the other types of data, since the pronunciation of the foreign languages borrowed from—especially and —is known in great detail. For example, the nasal initials were used to transcribe Sanskrit nasals in the early Tang, but later they were used for Sanskrit unaspirated voiced initials , suggesting that they had become in some northwestern Chinese dialects.
MethodologyThe rime dictionaries and rime tables yield phonological categories, but with little hint of what sounds they represent. At the end of the 19th century, European students of Chinese sought to solve this problem by applying the methods of that had been used in reconstructing . Volpicelli (1896) and Schaank (1897) compared the rime tables at the front of the ' with modern pronunciations in several varieties, but had little knowledge of linguistics. , trained in transcription of Swedish dialects, carried out the first systematic survey of modern varieties of Chinese. He used the oldest known rime tables as descriptions of the sounds of the rime dictionaries, and also studied the ''Guangyun'', at that time the oldest known rime dictionary. Unaware of Chen Li's study, he repeated the analysis of the ''fanqie'' required to identify the initials and finals of the dictionary. He believed that the resulting categories reflected the speech standard of the capital of the and . He interpreted the many distinctions as a of the precise sounds of this language, which he sought to reconstruct by treating the Sino-Xenic and modern dialect pronunciations as reflexes of the ''Qieyun'' categories. A small number of ''Qieyun'' categories were not distinguished in any of the surviving pronunciations, and Karlgren assigned them identical reconstructions. Karlgren's transcription involved a large number of consonants and vowels, many of them very unevenly distributed. Accepting Karlgren's reconstruction as a description of medieval speech, and analysed its contrasts to extract a description. used a simplified version of Martin's system as an approximate indication of the pronunciation of Tang poetry. Karlgren himself viewed phonemic analysis as a detrimental "craze". Older versions of the rime dictionaries and rime tables came to light over the first half of the 20th century, and were used by such linguists as , and in their own reconstructions. argued that the systems of the ''Qieyun'' and the rime tables should be reconstructed as two separate (but related) systems, which he called Early and Late Middle Chinese, respectively. He further argued that his Late Middle Chinese reflected the standard language of the late Tang dynasty. The preface of the ''Qieyun'' recovered in 1947 indicates that it records a compromise between northern and southern reading and poetic traditions from the late period (a ). Most linguists now believe that no single dialect contained all the distinctions recorded, but that each distinction did occur somewhere. Several scholars have compared the ''Qieyun'' system to cross-dialectal descriptions of English pronunciations, such as 's s, or the notation used in some dictionaries. Thus for example the words "trap", "bath", "palm", "lot", "cloth" and "thought" contain four different vowels in and three in ; both these pronunciations (and many others) can be specified in terms of these six cases. Although the ''Qieyun'' system is no longer viewed as describing a single form of speech, linguists argue that this enhances its value in reconstructing earlier forms of Chinese, just as a cross-dialectal description of English pronunciations contains more information about earlier forms of English than any single modern form. The emphasis has shifted from precise sounds () to the structure of the system. Thus , as a prelude to his reconstruction of , produced a , adding new notations for the few categories not distinguished by Karlgren, without assigning them pronunciations. This notation is still widely used, but its symbols, based on 's , differ from the familiar . To remedy this, produced for the ''Qieyun'' and rime table categories for use in his reconstruction of Old Chinese. All reconstructions of Middle Chinese since Karlgren have followed his approach of beginning with the categories extracted from the rime dictionaries and tables, and using dialect and Sino-Xenic data (and in some cases transcription data) in a subsidiary role to fill in sound values for these categories. and have criticized this approach, arguing that viewing the dialect data through the rime dictionaries and rime tables distorts the evidence. They argue for a full application of the to the modern varieties, supplemented by systematic use of transcription data.
PhonologyThe traditional analysis of the Chinese , derived from the ''fanqie'' method, is into an initial consonant, or "initial", (''shēngmǔ'' ) and a final (''yùnmǔ'' ). Modern linguists subdivide the final into an optional "medial" glide (''yùntóu'' ), a main vowel or "nucleus" (''yùnfù'' ) and an optional final consonant or "coda" (''yùnwěi'' ). Most reconstructions of Middle Chinese include the glides and , as well as a combination , but many also include vocalic "glides" such as in a diphthong . Final consonants , , , , , , and are widely accepted, sometimes with additional codas such as or . Rhyming syllables in the ''Qieyun'' are assumed to have the same nuclear vowel and coda, but often have different medials. Middle Chinese reconstructions by different modern linguists vary. These differences are minor and fairly uncontroversial in terms of consonants; however, there is a more significant difference as to the vowels. The most widely used transcriptions are and .
InitialsThe preface of the ''Yunjing'' identifies a traditional set of , each named with an exemplary character. An earlier version comprising 30 initials is known from fragments among the . In contrast, identifying the initials of the ''Qieyun'' required a painstaking analysis of ''fanqie'' relationships across the whole dictionary, a task first undertaken by the Cantonese scholar in 1842 and refined by others since. This analysis revealed a slightly different set of initials from the traditional set. Moreover, most scholars believe that some distinctions among the 36 initials were no longer current at the time of the rime tables, but were retained under the influence of the earlier dictionaries. Early Middle Chinese (EMC) had three types of stops: voiced, voiceless, and voiceless aspirated. There were five series of s, with a three-way distinction between (or ), and among s and s, and a two-way dental/retroflex distinction among s. The following table shows the initials of Early Middle Chinese, with their traditional names and approximate values: had a simpler system with no palatal or retroflex consonants; the more complex system of EMC is thought to have arisen from a combination of Old Chinese obstruents with a following and/or . developed the . The main differences between Karlgren and recent reconstructions of the initials are: *The reversal of and . Karlgren based his reconstruction on the s. However, because of mergers between these two sounds between Early and Late Middle Chinese, the Chinese phonologists who created the rime tables could rely only on tradition to tell what the respective values of these two consonants were; evidently they were accidentally reversed at one stage. *Karlgren also assumed that the EMC stops were actually stops based on their tendency to co-occur with front vowels and , but this view is no longer held. *Karlgren assumed that voiced consonants were actually . This is now assumed only for LMC, not EMC. Other sources from around the same time as the ''Qieyun'' reveal a slightly different system, which is believed to reflect southern pronunciation. In this system, the voiced fricatives and are not distinguished from the voiced affricates and , respectively, and the retroflex stops are not distinguished from the dental stops. Several changes occurred between the time of the ''Qieyun'' and the rime tables: * Palatal sibilants merged with retroflex sibilants. * merged with (hence reflecting four separate EMC phonemes). * The palatal nasal also became retroflex, but turned into a new phoneme rather than merging with any existing phoneme. * The palatal allophone of () merged with () as a single laryngeal initial (). * A new series of labiodentals emerged from labials in certain environments, typically where both fronting and rounding occurred (e.g. plus a back vowel in William Baxter's reconstruction, or a in Chan's reconstruction). However, modern dialects retain bilabial initials in such words, while modern dialects preserve them in some common words. * Voiced s gained phonetic (still reflected in the varieties). The following table shows a representative account of the initials of Late Middle Chinese. The voicing distinction is retained in modern and dialects, but has disappeared from other varieties. In Min dialects the retroflex dentals are represented with the dentals, while elsewhere they have merged with the retroflex sibilants. In the south these have also merged with the dental sibilants, but the distinction is retained in most dialects. The palatal series of modern Mandarin dialects, resulting from a merger of palatal allophones of dental sibilants and velars, is a much more recent development, unconnected with the earlier palatal consonants.
FinalsThe remainder of a syllable after the initial consonant is the final, represented in the Qieyun by several equivalent second ''fanqie'' spellers. Each final is contained within a single rhyme class, but a rhyme class may contain between one and four finals. Finals are usually analysed as consisting of an optional medial, either a , reduced vowel or some combination of these, a vowel, an optional final consonant and a tone. Their reconstruction is much more difficult than the initials due to the combination of multiple phonemes into a single class. The generally accepted final consonants are semivowels and , nasals , and , and stops , and . Some authors also propose codas and , based on the separate treatment of certain rhyme classes in the dictionaries. Finals with vocalic and nasal codas may have one of three s, named level, rising and departing. Finals with stop codas are distributed in the same way as corresponding nasal finals, and are described as their counterparts. There is much less agreement regarding the medials and vowels. It is generally agreed that "closed" finals had a rounded glide or vowel , and that the vowels in "outer" finals were more open than those in "inner" finals. The interpretation of the "divisions" is more controversial. Three classes of ''Qieyun'' finals occur exclusively in the first, second or fourth rows of the rime tables, respectively, and have thus been labelled finals of divisions I, II and IV. The remaining finals are labelled division-III finals because they occur in the third row, but they may also occur in the second or fourth rows for some initials. Most linguists agree that division-III finals contained a medial and that division-I finals had no such medial, but further details vary between reconstructions. To account for the many rhyme classes distinguished by the ''Qieyun'', Karlgren proposed 16 vowels and 4 medials. Later scholars have proposed numerous variations.
TonesThe four tones of Middle Chinese were first listed by around 500 AD. The first three, the "even" or "level", "rising" and "departing" tones, occur in open syllables and syllables ending with s. The remaining syllables, ending in s, were described as the "" tone counterparts of syllables ending with the corresponding nasals. The ' and its successors were organized around these categories, with two volumes for the even tone, which had the most words, and one volume each for the other tones. Karlgren interpreted the names of the first three tones literally as level, rising and falling pitch contours, respectively. However, the pitch contours of modern reflexes of these categories vary so widely that it is impossible to reconstruct Middle Chinese contours. The oldest known description of the tones is found in a Song dynasty quotation from the early 9th century ''Yuanhe Yunpu'' (no longer extant): "Level tone is sad and stable. Rising tone is strident and rising. Departing tone is clear and distant. Entering tone is straight and abrupt." In 880, the Japanese monk Annen described the even tone as "straight and low", the rising tone as "straight and high", and the departing tone as "slightly drawn out". The tone system of Middle Chinese is strikingly similar to those of its neighbours in the —, and early —none of which is genetically related to Chinese. Moreover, the earliest strata of loans display a regular correspondence between tonal categories in the different languages. In 1954, showed that Vietnamese counterparts of the rising and departing tones corresponded to final and , respectively, in other (atonal) . He thus argued that the Austroasiatic proto-language had been atonal, and that the development of tones in Vietnamese had been conditioned by these consonants, which had subsequently disappeared, a process now known as . Haudricourt further proposed that tone in the other languages, including Middle Chinese, had a similar origin. Other scholars have since uncovered transcriptional and other evidence for these consonants in early forms of Chinese, and many linguists now believe that was atonal. Around the end of the first millennium AD, Middle Chinese and the southeast Asian languages experienced a of their tone categories. Syllables with voiced initials tended to be pronounced with a lower pitch, and by the late , each of the tones had split into two registers conditioned by the initials, known as the "upper" and "lower". When voicing was lost in most varieties (except in the and groups and some dialects), this distinction became phonemic, yielding up to eight tonal categories, with a six-way contrast in unchecked syllables and a two-way contrast in checked syllables. maintains these tones and has developed an additional distinction in checked syllables, resulting in a total of nine tonal categories. However, most varieties have fewer tonal distinctions. For example, in Mandarin dialects the lower rising category merged with the departing category to form the modern falling tone, leaving a system of four tones. Furthermore, final stop consonants disappeared in most Mandarin dialects, and such syllables were reassigned to one of the other four tones.
Changes from Old to Modern ChineseMiddle Chinese had a structure much like many modern varieties (especially conservative ones such as ), with largely monosyllabic words, little or no derivational morphology, three tones, and a syllable structure consisting of initial consonant, glide, main vowel and final consonant, with a large number of initial consonants and a fairly small number of final consonants. Without counting the glide, no clusters could occur at the beginning or end of a syllable. , on the other hand, had a significantly different structure. There were no tones, a smaller imbalance between possible initial and final consonants, and many initial and final clusters. There was a well-developed system of derivational and possibly inflectional morphology, formed using consonants added onto the beginning or end of a syllable. The system is similar to the system reconstructed for and still visible, for example, in ; it is also largely similar to the system that occurs in the more conservative , such as modern (Cambodian). The main changes leading to the modern varieties have been a reduction in the number of consonants and vowels and a corresponding increase in the number of tones (typically through a pan-East-Asiatic tone split that doubled the number of tones and eliminated the distinction between voiced and unvoiced consonants). That has led to a gradual decrease in the number of possible syllables. has only about 1,300 possible syllables, and many other even fewer (for example, modern has been reported to have only about 700 syllables). The result in Mandarin, for example, has been the proliferation of the number of two-syllable compound words, which have steadily replaced former monosyllabic words; most words in Standard Mandarin now have two syllables.
GrammarThe extensive surviving body of Middle Chinese (MC) literature of various types provides much source material for the study of MC grammar. Due to the lack of development, grammatical analysis of MC tends to focus on the nature and meanings of the individual words themselves and the by which their arrangement together in sentences communicates meaning.
See also* *
Works cited* * * See als
Further reading* * * * * * * *