Definition
Logophoricity is characterized as a binding relation which distinctly co-references a clause-external antecedent with a clause-internal anaphor which, under certain conditions, may surface with different morphological forms. Those morphological forms have been called logophoric pronouns, and, if they occur, they must be used in a clausal environment known as the logophoric context. Although logophoricity may be indicated by the difference in morphology, more importantly, it is marked by the logophoric context. Meanwhile, logophoric context does not necessitate the occurrence of logophoric pronouns. Logophoric pronouns may not exist in the lexicon of some languages, but in those languages, elements of logophoricity may still occur underlyingly in the form of logophoric contexts. Notably, linguists have discovered that in those cases, non-clause-bounded reflexive pronouns (or long-distance reflexives) are often found in place of logophoric pronouns. While it is often the case that the referent of the logophor is situated in the matrix clause while the logophor itself resides in the subordinate clause, a logophoric referent does not necessarily need to stay within the same complex sentence as the logophor. A logophor may refer to an entity mentioned beyond that sentence, such as earlier in a paragraph or anywhere in the discourse. Other terms commonly used include logophoric markers/logophoric markings, which many later researchers preferred to use; it was found that the distinction between simply logophoric pronouns and reflexive anaphora in logophoric context was not sufficient. This is because logophoricity may manifest under different conditions cross-linguistically, which entails more than simply whether a language employs explicit logophoric markers or not. While it is common for a language with a logophoric system to employ logophoric pronouns, this does not mean explicit logophoric markers consist only of logophoric pronouns. For instance, a logophoric marker may surface as an affix – a morphological change is still present, but not all purely logophoric languages have logophoric pronouns. In terms of the role of logophoricity in languages, the existence of logophoric markers allow for the reduction of referential ambiguity. For instance, ''him'' in English may be used in a logophoric context, but cannot be called a logophor. In a context such as the one below, there is ambiguity as to who the pronoun ''him'' is referring to: In the first example, the pronoun ''him'' references the subject, ''Mr. Smith'', whose speech is being reported and who resides in the matrix clause. In the latter example, the pronoun ''him'' references some other individual. Specifically, referential unambiguity is achieved by logophoricity through: # An explicit logophoric marker (such as a logophoric pronoun), which allows for reference tracking (being able to keep track of who/what is being referred to during a discourse), and # An absence of any explicit logophoric marker to any entity that is not the target referent, showing disjoint reference (when an anaphor is deliberately shown not to refer to an entity). Although according to the originator of the term, logophoric pronouns are considered a type of anaphora, and although it does embody a binding relation with an antecedent, logophoricity cannot be accounted for by Chomsky's Binding Theory as other anaphora may be, because of its necessity to take on the perspective of an individual external to the event, and not the speaker. As such, logophoric contexts occur when anaphors refer to nominals in higher clauses (in other words, not locally); in that situation, the anaphor may either surface as a typical anaphor, an indirect reflexive, or a logophoric pronoun. The matter of indirect reflexives in logophoric contexts in particular, has been much debated. While it has been noted that logophoric markers may be used typically when they reside in clauses introduced by verbs that reflect speech, thought, and feelings, there are no universal syntactic conditions for logophors. However, there is semantic commonality across languages; the introduction of logophors through mainly verbs of saying or reporting is cross-linguistic. Even so, many languages may extend their lexicon of logocentric verbs. In every language, the lexicon of logocentric verbs is determined semantically; clauses that contain logophoric markers are mainly introduced by verbs of saying and reporting, while logophoric contexts may also be introduced by verbs depicting mental or psychological state. Stirling provided a logocentric verb hierarchy: If a verb of a certain semantic category in a language is shown to trigger a logophoric context, then from its spot on the hierarchy, it and all the verb kinds to its left will also trigger a logophoric context.Background
Origin
The coinage of the term logophoric pronouns (also called logophors) came from Claude Hagège. Through the study of certain languages from the Niger-Congo family (such as Mundang, Tuburi, and Ewe), Hagège discovered a distinct set of pronouns being used to refer to an external, secondary speaker, rather than the primary speaker. Moreover, Hagège studied indirect reflexives (also called long-distance reflexives, non-clause-bounded reflexive pronouns, or free anaphors in later research) in Latin and Japanese, and noted that the African set of pronouns were also morphologically different from those reflexives, even though they were similar in function – both types of anaphors were used to refer to an individual other than the speaker currently relaying the information. Thus, he declared that those pronouns, while seemingly related to indirect reflexives, were a separate phenomenon, and gave them the name ''logophors''. Subsequently, he concluded that logophors were a subcategory of anaphora (of the broad, traditional sense). Hagège was the first of many researchers to make the comparison between indirect reflexives and logophors, and to figure out how to differentiate them. While the concept of logophoricity originated from Hagège's work, he explicitly focuses on logophoric pronouns, and how they may differ from indirect reflexives. George N. Clements' research, a year later, is considered an extension of Hagège's initial work, and gives a more expanded account of logophoricity, including going into more detail about the difference between indirect reflexives and logophoric pronouns. Clements, in his work, talked about logophoric pronouns as well, but he also went further and helped to provide a more cohesive concept of logophoricity as a general phenomenon. This allowed many other linguists to build on his account in the future. According to Clements, logophoric pronouns are morphologically distinct from personal and reflexive pronouns as well, in addition to indirect reflexives. He delved into the concept Hagège posited that there are two different perspectives that may be referred to: the actual speaker of the discourse, or someone else whose speech, thoughts, or feelings are being reported. The latter perspective is used for an individual who maintains a distance from the events being reported. This distinction in perspective may lead the anaphor of a clause, in some languages, to take on different morphological forms – in other words, if meant to depict the perspective of an individual whose speech, thoughts, and feelings are reported, then languages like the one studied by Clements – Ewe – will have logophoric pronouns to explicitly refer to that individual, and no other possible person. These were the basic characteristics of logophoricity, which served as an important foundation for future research in the field. However, Clements did not provide much discussion on the semantic and pragmatic aspects of logophoricity.Cross-linguistic variation
Notably, Lesley Stirling, in 1993, found it important to clarify that a language having explicit logophoric markers is not equivalent to having logophoric pronouns. In her writing, she gave Gokana as an example. In Gokana, there is no full, entirely morphologically distinct word to depict logophoricity. Instead, a logophoric marker is suffixed to the verb, while the ordinary pronoun would be left as is. This is possible as, besides Gokana's semantic and structural restrictions on where logophoricity appears, logophoric markers, when they do occur in a clause, may take on any grammatical function (subject, object, etc.). With that said, grammatical function also differs from language to language – in contrast to Gokana, some allow logophoric markers to take on only one role. In all languages with a logophoric system, however, it remains true that some change in morphology is used to distinguish between logophoric forms and personal and reflexive pronouns. Stirling also provided more semantic background on logophoricity by pointing out the role semantics had in choosing which verbs could trigger logophoric contexts. Describing them as logocentric verbs, he developed a hierarchy as a guide to which types of verbs languages may employ as logocentric verbs.Syntactic restrictions on logophoric contexts
In 2001, Gerrit J. Dimmendaal discussed the syntactic constraints on logophoric contexts which had been posited by linguists; it was widely assumed that whether a context was logophoric or not depended mainly on where the domain of the logophoric marker was within the boundaries of the complex sentence that contained it. Saying that the logophoric marker and its referent must occur within a single complex sentence implies that any potential logophoric reference must reside either within the root clause or the external clause. At the time, this constraint was not questioned, and it was assumed that as long as a language employs distinct pronouns that co-refer with an entity in an adjacent clause, then it meant that the language has logophoric markers. Dimmendaal argues that this provides an incomplete account of logophoricity, and shows that, as long as reference tracking is made clear, environments for logophoric marking go well beyond bi-clausal contexts, and may extend to the paragraph, or even to the entire discourse.Indirect reflexivization
A problem discussed by Clements, and several later linguists as well, was the matter of indirect reflexives. Given the nature of logophoricity and its ability to reference a subject external to the clause which contains the pronoun, linguists have posited logophoricity as an exceptional case to Chomsky's Binding Theory, as it does not need to follow the same conditions as typically-occurring anaphors. A riddle first put forward by Hagège was once again put into question at this point: Stirling described the situation as such: linguists had found it strange that certain pronouns were being used in the same strict conditions as logophoric pronouns are typically employed under, both semantically and structurally; yet, these pronouns were not logophoric pronouns – they were simply what those languages used respectively as reflexive pronouns, but specifically with clause-external antecedents. Because reflexives must be bound within their domain ( Condition A of Binding Theory), long-distance reflexives such as those found in Latin, Greek, and Japanese should not be able to occur in a logophoric context. Clements, when tackling this problem, had been working with Latin and Classical Greek, both of which have a logophoric use of reflexive pronouns. The problem arisen from the discussion about indirect reflexivization in these two languages was whether or not the referent (the subject) of that indirect reflexive needed to be positioned within the same clause as the indirect reflexive on the surface, or whether it only needed to be deep in the structure. This problem was known as the subjecthood condition. It was later decided that the indirect reflexives in Latin and Greek have aTypes of logophors
Logophoric pronouns
Logophoric pronouns (a.k.a logophors) are anaphors that distinguish the individual to which they refer from the speaker themselves who uses them in indirect speech. Traditionally, they are required to: # Occur in the scope of an attitude predicate such as "believe" or "say" in English. # Refer to the bearer of the attitude, such as the subject of "believe" or "say" in English. It is not necessary that the clause containing the logophoric pronoun be subordinate to the clause containing the antecedent. The logophoric pronoun may occur at any depth of embedding. In fact these pronouns do not require a cosentential antecedent – the antecedent can be several sentences back.Distinct logophoric pronouns: Ewe
Ewe is a language of the Niger-Congo family that exhibits formally distinct logophoric pronouns. The third-person singular pronoun ''yè'' is used only in the context of indirect discourse, e.g. when reporting speech and not quoting it. These special forms are a means of unambiguously identifying the nominal co-referent in a given sentence. In the following examples, (2a) contains the logophoric pronoun ''yè'', while (2b) contains the normal third-person pronoun ''e''. Which pronoun is used determines whether the pronoun refers to the speaker of the proposition (''Kofi'') or a different individual. (2) a. ''Kofi be yè-dzo'' Kofi say LOG-leave 'Kofii said that hei left.' b. ''Kofi be e-dzo'' Kofi say pro-leave 'Kofii said that he/shej left.' The syntax tree shows that the antecedent and logophoric pronoun in (a) are co-referential across a clausal boundary. Notably, logophoric pronouns such as ''yè'' may occur at any level of embedding within the same sentence. Additionally, if the antecedent is already established previously within the discourse, the antecedent with which the logophoric pronoun has a co-reference relation need not be in the same sentence. The semantic condition imposed on the use of these logophors is that the context in which they appear must be reflective of another individual's perception, and not the speaker's subjective account of the linguistic content being transmitted; however, a purely semantic account is insufficient in determining where logophoric pronouns may appear. More specifically, even when the semantic conditions which license the use of logophors are satisfied, there may be additional syntactic conditions which determine whether or not logophoric pronouns actually occur in a sentence. Clements demonstrates that Ewe logophoric pronouns may only be introduced by clauses headed by the complementizer ''be''. In Ewe, ''be'' is a clause-typing element that introduces clauses in which the feelings, thoughts, and perspective of an individual other than the speaker are communicated. Thus, although it is primarily the discursive context which licenses the use of logophoric pronouns in Ewe, syntactic restrictions are also important in determining the distribution of pronouns in direct and indirect discourse.Wan
In Wan, a language spoken primarily in theClause-type and discourse role: Abe
Abe, a Kwa language spoken in the Ivory Coast, has two classes of third-person pronouns: ''o''-pronouns and ''n''-pronouns. ''O-pronouns'' are the equivalent of English free pronouns while ''n-pronouns'' are the equivalent of the co-referential use of English pronouns (i.e. a logophoric pronoun).' An o-pronoun abides by Principle B of Binding Theory in that it can not be co-indexed with the c-commanding NP. However, if the o-pronoun is in subject position of the subjunctive complement and embedded within ''kO''-complements (i.e. a complement that causes logophoric effects), the pronoun exhibits the same contrast as languages that have logophoric pronouns. In particular, ''o''-pronouns must be disjoint from the matrix subject, and ''n''-pronouns are used as logophoric pronouns to express co-reference with the speaker. In Abe, while all logophoric verbs are verbs of saying, logophoric effects are only seen with verbs taking a complement clause introduced by the complementizer ''kO''. As the examples In (5) and (6) show, both ''ka'' 'tell' and ''hE'' 'said' are verbs of saying, but only the latter introduces a ''kO-''complement. In (5), with a ''ye''- complement clause both ''o''-pronouns and ''n''-pronouns can be co-indexed the matrix subject. But in (6), when a ''kO''-complement clause is present, then ''n''-pronouns are unambiguously logophoric and refer back to the speaker. (5) a. ''Yapi''i ''ka Api'' i,j ''ye sE''">'ye O''i,j ''ye sE'''.'' Yapi tell Api C 3sg is handsome 'Yapii told Api that hei,j is handsome.' b. ''Yapi''i ''ka Api'' i,j ''ye sE''">'ye n''i,j ''ye sE'' Yapi tell Api C 3sg is handsome 'Yapii told Api that hei,j is handsome.' (6) a. ''Yapi''i ''hE'' j ''ye sE''">'kO O''j ''ye sE'''.'' Yapi said C 3sg is handsome 'Yapii said that hej is handsome.' (''Yapi'' = Source) b. ''Yapi''i ''hE'' i ''ye sE''">'kO n''i ''ye sE'''.'' Yapi said C 3sg is handsome 'Yapii said that hei is handsome.' (''Yapi'' = Source) However, logophoricity is observed only within a subset of ''kO''-complements; suggest that the antecedent must bears the discourse role of speechLogophoric verbal morphology
Logophoricity may also be marked through verbal morphology. This can occur either in isolation from logophoric pronouns or in conjunction with them. There are three types of verbal logophoricity: * logophoric cross-referencing * first person logophoricity * logophoric verb affixesLogophoric cross-referencing: Akɔɔse
Akɔɔse, a Bantu language spoken in Cameroon, uses logophoric cross-referencing. This language has a distinct verbal prefix used in subordinate clauses to indicate if the subject of the subordinate clause is co-referential with the subject of the matrix clause. In Akɔɔse, this kind of cross-referencing can only occur when the subject of the matrix clause is second- or third-person singular. This is a specific verbal prefix marking for logophoricity that is separate from the other verbal prefixes that Akɔɔse uses to indicate person and number for human subjects. The prefix in Akɔɔse attaches to the verb to indicate that the subject of the subordinate clause is co-referential with the subject of the matrix clause. It is important to note that not all cross-referencing utilizes the same properties. In Akɔɔse, logophoric cross-referencing occurs without logophoric pronouns. Other languages, such as Logo, Kaliko, and Moru, may have both logophoric cross-referencing and logophoric pronouns. Languages with a logophoric cross-referencing system will always use it with singular referents and can, but not necessarily, use it with plural referents. Logophoric cross-referencing will also always be used with third person referents and can, but not necessarily, be used with second person referents.First-person logophoricity: Donno Sɔ
A Dogon language spoken in Mali, Donno Sɔ, uses a first person marking to indicate logophoricity. Donno Sɔ has a system of verbal affixation where finite verbs within matrix clauses can optionally agree in person and number with its subject using suffixes. In subordinate clauses containing a logophoric subject, the verb is obligatorily inflected with a verb suffix which indicates a first person subject. (9) ''Oumar '' 'inyemɛ jɛmbɔ paza bolu-m'' ''miñ tagi '' Oumar LOG sack.DF drop left-1S 1S.OBJ informed 'Oumari told me that shei had left without the sack.' (lit. 'Oumari told mei that ILOGO=OUMAR left without the sack.') The use of this verb suffix helps to differentiate between a logophoric context and direct speech. In direct speech, the speaker quotes the original speaker, e.g. 'Oumari told mej, "Ii left without the sack"'. In this case, both the verb suffix and the pronouns referring to the original speaker would be in first person. In some cases where Donno Sɔ omits the subject, the use of this verb suffix to mark logophoricity is the only indication that the subordinate subject refers back to the main subject. In the case of Donno Sɔ, the language also makes use of a logophoric pronoun, ''inyemɛ''. Not all languages with first person marking of logophoricity also use logophoric pronouns. In Lotuko and Karimojong, first person marking is used, but instead of using a logophoric pronoun, they use a third person subject pronoun.Logophoric verbal affix: Gokana
Gokana is a language of the Benue-Congo family which uses the verbal suffix -''EE'' (which has several phonological conditionedLogophoric reflexives
Long-distance reflexive logophors occur when the antecedent is outside of the local domain. If binding were to be applied, it would have to cross a subject which normally would not be possible under the normal circumstances of binding theory. The concept of logophoricity would entail long-distance anaphors as being logophoric.Bona fide logophoric reflexive: Avar
In Avar, a language in the Northeast Caucasian family spoken by the Avars in Dagestan, the simplex reflexive pronoun ''žiw'' is argued to be a bona fide logophoric pronoun. Because this simplex reflexive is strictly licensed by predicates of speech and perception, is subject-oriented, and has only negative constraints on anaphoric dependency (such as those which forbit its appearance in the clauses mentioned above), and has "the availability of bound-variable and referential interpretations," Rudnev (2017) argues that there exists a parallel between the Avar logophoric reflexive ''žiw'' and the logophoric pronouns attesed in Africa. The Avar long-distance reflexives typically appears in finite complement clauses but can be separated from its antecedents across a non-finite clause boundary. Complement clauses such as the bracketed constituent in example (11) are only used for reporting speech and indirect questions in Avar. While the simple reflexive can be used as a logophor (11a), complex reflexives such as''žincago'') prove ungrammatical (11b). (11) a. i ču b–ič- il= ilan">''žincai ču b–ič- il= ilanab- una wacasi self.ERG horse.ABS N–sell-FUT=COMP say-PST brother.ERG ‘Brotheri said that hei would sell the horse.’ (lit. 'Brotheri said that selfi would sell the horse.') b. * i ču b–ič- il= ilan">''žincagoi ču b–ič- il= ilanab- una wacasi self.ERG horse.ABS N–sell-FUT=COMP say-PST brother.ERG i said that hei would sell the horse.’">ntended: ‘Brotheri said that hei would sell the horse.’ref name="rudnev2017" /> Further, the onlyNon-clause-bounded reflexive: Icelandic
In Icelandic, the same reflexive forms are used as both obligatory clause-bound anaphors and as logophoric pronouns. The reflexives can bind with antecedents across multiple clause boundaries, exhibiting the effect of non-clause-bounded reflexives (NCBR). The distribution of NCBR correlates with thePerspective-dependent reflexive logophors
=Japanese
= Prior to the first usage of the term "logophor", Susumu Kuno analyzed the licensing of the use of the Japanese reflexive pronoun ''zibun''. The main aspect of ''zibun'' that sets it apart from an anaphor are the two characteristics it can portray: reportive or nonreportive styles. Reportive style narratives demonstrate a single point of view, that of the single narrator, while nonreportive narratives do not. Instead, there are no narrators present and the narrator can become any individual in the sentence. His analysis focused on the occurrence of this pronoun in discourse in which the internal feeling of someone other than the speaker is being represented.''Zibun'' in a constituent clause (A) a subordinate clauseis co-referential with a noun phrase (B) of the matrix sentence only if A represents an action or state that the referent of B is aware of at the time it takes place or has come to be aware of at some later time.Kuno argues that one of the factors that permits the usage of ''zibun'' is a context in which the individual whom the speaker is referring to is aware of the state or event under discussion – i.e., this individual's perspective must be represented. As presented above, John's awareness of the event or state being communicated in the embedded sentence determines whether or not the entire sentences is grammatical. Similar to other logophors, the antecedent of the reflexive ''zibun'' need not occur in the same sentence or clause, as is the case for non-logophoric reflexives. This is demonstrated in the example above, in which the antecedent in a. occurs in the matrix sentence, while ''zibun'' occurs in the embedded clause. Although traditionally referred to as "indirect reflexives", the logophoric usage of pronouns such as ''zibun'' are also referred to as long-distance, or free anaphors. The difference between ''zibun'' and ''kare'' (him), a normal anaphor in Japanese, is shown below: In line with Clements' characterization of indirect reflexives, the logophoric pronoun is
= Mandarin
= Liu does not considerSyntactic accounts
There has been much discussion in linguistic literature on the type of approach that would best account for logophoricity. Syntactic accounts have been attempted within the context ofKoster's (1984) free anaphors and opacity
Koster attempts to define logophors as a continuation of the concept of anaphors. Free or long-distance anaphors are able to take an antecedent beyond their domain subject; logophors can commonly be found in this situation. Three scenarios may allow these kinds of exceptions: (i) if the logophor is properly bound (e.g. c-commanded and co-indexed) by an antecedent outside its local domain; (ii) if accurately interpreted by an antecedent that does not c-command; or (iii) if accurately interpreted without an explicitly stated antecedent These lead to an extended version of Condition A that applies more generally to locality: Under this interpretation, domain is no longer limited to the maximal projection of the logophor. The opacity factor (w) is best described as a variable that takes a different value for different types of dependent elements (L); its role is to delineate domains with respect to category heads (V, N, A, or P). Koster gives the following example as illustration: Koster explains that P is the opacity factor, as head of the maximal projection PP, and "blocks" V from governing NP. Instead, the locality domain that governs NP is the maximal projection of its phrasal head—PP.Koopman and Sportiche's (1989) logical variables
Koopman and Sportiche propose that logophoric pronouns are pronouns treated as logical variables and they yield logophoric effects in certain syntactic contexts. This analysis is based on Abe which, like many West African languages, has verbal complementizers that introduce certain types of clauses. One of the major differences between the two classes of pronouns in Abe is that ''o''-pronouns cannot be coindexed with a c-commanding antecedent that is a ''n''-pronoun, regardless of the degree of embedding. This can be accounted for if the ''n''-pronoun is not a referential element, but instead is a logical variable. It would then be expected that there exists an operator in complementizer which binds it. Another generalization found is that ''n''-anaphors cannot have an ''o''-pronoun antecedent, and vice versa. This can be captured by distinguishing the two pronouns by some feature like /-n If o-pronouns are nand n-pronouns are n these two can never be bound to each other. Binding would require the anaphor and the antecedent to be matching in feature (a parallel analogy would be the feature gender). The logophoric effects can be accounted for by analyzing the complementizer ''kO'' as a verb taking a sentential phrase as its complement and a nsilent subject as its specifier. A schematic tree is given on the right. The silent subject receives theMinkoff's (2004) Principle E
Since logophors cannot be entirely accounted for given the conditions of canonical binding theory, modifications to this theory have been posited. For example, Minkoff suggests that logophoricity requires a new principle to be added to the set of conditions held by Binding Theory. He proposes Principle E which is stated thus: The backward co-reference domain is a specification of the general concept of domain found in binding theory. For anaphors, domain is defined as the smallest XP node in a tree with a subject that contains the DP. Backward co-reference domain dictates that node X is in the backward co-reference domain of node Y if there are two further nodes, A and B, such that A predicates B, A dominates X, and B dominates Y. This specification is meant to account for cases where self-anaphors are free and possess consciousness, but are still unacceptable. Minkoff addresses the two crucial differences his Principle E holds with binding theory. First it operates distinctly in the backward co-reference domain, rather than the more general operation ofCharnavel's (2020) exempt anaphors
Condition A of binding theory, defined in the section, imposes locality restraints on anaphors which require they be bound within their domain. However, in languages like English, French, Icelandic, Mandarin, Japanese, Turkish, and Uyghur, certain so-called "exempt anaphors" do not fit these requirements. That is, "exempt" anaphors are not bound in such a domain. Focusing on French, because exempt anaphors are shown to only take logophoric centres as their antecedent, Charnavel (2020) proposes that plain and exempt anaphors are in fact not separate entities with different restraints, but that instances of exempt anaphors are bound by a silent logophoric pronoun ''prolog'' selected as the subject to a possible logophoric operator ''OpLog'' and therefore satisfy Condition A. The above example - with the posited silent logophoric pronouns ''prolog-i'' and ''prolog-k'' (referring to ''la fille de Paul'' and ''sa propre fille'' respectively) binding ''sa propre fille'' and ''elle-même'' respectively - demonstrates that the perspectival domains ( DP _">sub>DP _ can be introduced within clauses ( TP _">sub>TP _. Furthermore, perspectival expressions like ''étrange'' and ''ignoble'' can be relativized to different perspectival centres within such a clause, with the two mentioned adjectives being (at least) evaluated by Paul's daughter and granddaughter respectively.Semantic accounts
Stirling's (1993) account
Following from Peter Sells' account, Stirling argued that there may not be a need for three primitive roles to explain logophoricity. In fact, logophoric phenomena can be explained by introducing only one semantic role into DRS: the assigned epistemic validator (or more briefly, validator). The role of validator is associated with the individual who is responsible for validating the content of what is being reported. This semantic role is assigned the DM v. Similarly to Sells, Stirling argues that once this primitive is within the bounds of a DRS, it is free to be anaphorically related to other NPs in the discourse. Stirling specifies three possibilities for a speaker in reporting a proposition: Here, i' is the DM used for the current speaker, and x is the DM associated with some other available NP in the discourse. According to Stirling, in using just the role of validator, it is possible to generalize across cases which Sells argued necessitates the use of distinct primitives. For example, in contexts in which an individual's point of view is being reported, Sells posited the primitive of source; where a psychological state of an individual is being reported, Sells introduced the role of self. However, Sells argues that differentiating between these two contexts misses an important generalization: it is due to certain lexical properties that logophoric pronouns may be used in both contexts. More specifically, where an NP is a logophoric antecedent, it is typically the subject of a communicative verb in the matrix clause, while the logophoric pronoun occurs in a subordinate clause. This account can be used to explain the following examples from Ewe: The above examples are identical save for the logophoric pronoun yè appearing in the top example and the normal pronoun e appearing in the bottom example. A DRS representing these sentences follows: In the DRS For the Ewe sentences, each box represents a separate proposition, and the content of each is understood to have a distinct validator (v1 and v2). For the logophoric sentence, in order to indicate the anaphoric relation between the subject of the matrix sentence (the logophoric antecedent) and the logophoric pronoun, we would need to specify that x = v2 ''(v2 and x refer to the same referential assignment)'' In order to interpret the DRS as per the logophoric sentence, we do not need to impose such a condition, as x need not co-refer to this antecedent in the discourse.See also
* * * * * * * * * * * *References
{{Formal semantics Personal pronouns Formal semantics (natural language)