Standard Japanese
Normative pitch accent, essentially the pitch accent of the Tokyo Yamanote dialect, is considered essential in jobs such as broadcasting. The current standards for pitch accent are presented in special accent dictionaries for native speakers such as the ''Shin Meikai Nihongo Akusento Jiten'' () and the ''NHK Nihongo Hatsuon Akusento Jiten'' (). Newsreaders and other speech professionals are required to follow these standards. Foreign learners of Japanese are often not taught to pronounce the pitch accent, though it is included in some noted texts, such as '' Japanese: The Spoken Language''. Incorrect pitch accent is a strong characteristic of a "foreign accent" in Japanese.Scalar pitch
In standard Japanese, pitch accent has the following effect on words spoken in isolation: # If the accent is on the first mora, then the pitch starts high, drops suddenly on the second mora, then levels out. The pitch may fall across both morae, or mostly on one or the other (depending on the sequence of sounds)—that is, the first mora may end with a high falling pitch, or the second may begin with a (low) falling pitch, but the first mora will be considered accented regardless. The Japanese describe this as ''atamadaka'' (literally, "head-high"). # If the accent is on a mora other than the first or the last, then the pitch has an initial rise from a low starting point, reaches a near-maximum at the accented mora, then drops suddenly on any following morae. This accent is referred to as ''nakadaka'' ("middle-high"). # If the word has an accent on the last mora, the pitch rises from a low start up to a high pitch on the last mora. Words with this accent are indistinguishable from accentless words unless followed by a particle such as ''ga'' or ''ni'', on which the pitch drops. In Japanese this accent is called ''odaka'' ("tail-high"). # If the word does not have an accent, the pitch rises from a low starting point on the first mora or two, and then levels out in the middle of the speaker's range, without ever reaching the high tone of an accented mora. In Japanese this accent is named "flat" ( ''heiban''). Note that accent rules apply to phonological words, which include any following particles. So the sequence "''hashi''" spoken in isolation can be accented in two ways, either ''háshi'' (accent on the first syllable, meaning 'chopsticks') or ''hashí'' (flat or accent on the second syllable, meaning either 'edge' or 'bridge'), while "''hashi''" plus the subject-marker "''ga''" can be accented on the first syllable or the second, or be flat/accentless: ''háshiga'' 'chopsticks', ''hashíga'' 'bridge', or ''hashiga'' 'edge'. In poetry, a word such as ''omoshirói'', which has the accent on the fourth mora ''ro'', is pronounced in five beats (morae). When initial in the phrase (and therefore starting out with a low pitch), the pitch typically rises on the ''o'', levels out at mid range on the ''moshi'', peaks on the ''ro'', and then drops suddenly on the ''i'', producing a falling tone on the ''roi''. In all cases but final accent, there is a general declination (gradual decline) of pitch across the phrase. This, and the initial rise, are part of the prosody of the phrase, not lexical accent, and are larger in scope than the phonological word. That is, within the overall pitch-contour of the phrase there may be more than one phonological word, and thus potentially more than one accent.Binary pitch
The foregoing describes the actual pitch. In most guides, however, accent is presented with a two-pitch-level model. In this representation, each mora is either high (H) or low (L) in pitch, with the shift from high to low of an accented mora transcribed HꜜL. # If the accent is on the first mora, then the first syllable is high-pitched and the others are low: HꜜL, HꜜL-L, HꜜL-L-L, HꜜL-L-L-L, ''etc.'' # If the accent is on a mora other than the first, then the first mora is low, the following morae up to and including the accented one are high, and the rest are low: L-Hꜜ, L-HꜜL, L-H-HꜜL, L-H-H-HꜜL, ''etc.'' # If the word is ''heiban'' (accentless), the first mora is low and the others are high: L-H, L-H-H, L-H-H-H, L-H-H-H-H, ''etc.'' This high pitch spreads to unaccented grammatical particles that attach to the end of the word, whereas these would have a low pitch when attached to an accented word (including one accented on the final mora). Although only the terms "high" and "low" are used, the high of an unaccented mora is not as high as an accented mora.Downstep
Many linguists analyse Japanese pitch accent somewhat differently. In their view, a word either has a downstep or does not. If it does, the pitch drops between the accented mora and the subsequent one; if it does not have a downstep, the pitch remains more or less constant throughout the length of the word: That is, the pitch is "flat" as Japanese speakers describe it. The initial rise in the pitch of the word, and the gradual rise and fall of pitch across a word, arise not from lexical accent, but rather from prosody, which is added to the word by its context: If the first word in a phrase does not have an accent on the first mora, then it starts with a low pitch, which then rises to high over subsequent morae. This phrasal prosody is applied to individual words only when they are spoken in isolation. Within a phrase, each downstep triggers another drop in pitch, and this accounts for a gradual drop in pitch throughout the phrase. This drop is called terracing. The next phrase thus starts off near the low end of the speaker's pitch range and needs to reset to high before the next downstep can occur.Examples of words that differ only in pitch
In standard Japanese, about 47% of words are unaccented and around 26% are accented on the ante-penultimate mora. However, this distribution is highly variable between word categories. For example, 70% of native nouns are unaccented, while only 50% of kango and only 7% of loanwords are unaccented. In general, most 1–2 mora words are accented on the first mora, 3–4 mora words are unaccented, and words of greater length are almost always accented on one of the last five morae. The following chart gives some examples of minimal pairs of Japanese words whose only differentiating feature is pitch accent. Phonemic pitch accent is indicated with the phonetic symbol for downstep, . : In isolation, the words ''hashi'' はし hàshí "bridge" and ''hashi'' hàshí "edge" are pronounced identically, starting low and rising to a high pitch. However, the difference becomes clear in context. With the simple addition of the particle ''ni'' "at", for example, hàshí-nì "at the bridge" acquires a marked drop in pitch, while hàshi-ni "at the edge" does not. However, because the downstep occurs after the first mora of the accented syllable, a word with a final long accented syllable would contrast all three patterns even in isolation: an accentless word ''nihon'', for example, would be pronounced , differently from either of the words above. In 2014, a study recording the electrical activity of the brain showed that native Japanese speakers mainly use context, rather than pitch accent information, to contrast between words that differ only in pitch. This property of the Japanese language allows for a certain type of pun, called , combining two words with the same or very similar sounds but different pitch accents and thus meanings. For example, ''kaeru-ga kaeru'' . These are considered quite corny, and are associated with . Since any syllable, or none, may be accented, Tokyo-type dialects have ''N''+1 possibilities, where ''N'' is the number of syllables (not morae) in a word, though this pattern only holds for a relatively small ''N''.Other dialects
Accent and tone are the most variable aspect of Japanese dialects. Some have no accent at all; of those that do, it may occur in addition to a high or low word tone. The dialects that have a Tokyo-type accent, like the standard Tokyo dialect described above, are distributed over Hokkaido, northern Tohoku, most ofKyushu (two-pattern type)
In western and southern Kyushu dialects (pink area on the map on the right), a high tone falls on a predictable syllable, depending only on whether the noun has an accent. This is termed a two-pattern (''nikei'') system, as there are two possibilities, accented and not accented. For instance, in the Kagoshima dialect unaccented nouns have a low tone until the final syllable, at which point the pitch rises. In accented nouns, however, the penultimate syllable of a phonological word has a high tone, which drops on the final syllable. (Kagoshima phonology is based on syllables, not on morae.) For example, ''irogami'' 'colored paper' is unaccented in Kagoshima, while ''kagaribi'' 'bonfire' is accented. The ultimate or penultimate high tone will shift when any unaccented grammatical particle is added, such asNo accent versus one-pattern type
In Miyakonojō, Miyazaki (small black area on map), there is a single accent: all phonological words have a low tone until the final syllable, at which point the pitch rises. That is, every word has the pitch pattern of Kagoshima . This is called an (one-pattern) accent. Phonologically, it is the same as the absence of an accent (white areas on map), and is sometimes counted as such, as there can be no contrast between words based on accent. However, speakers of -type dialects feel that they are accenting a particular syllable, whereas speakers of unaccented dialects have no such intuition.Keihan (Kyoto–Osaka type)
Near the old capital of Kyoto, in Kansai, Shikoku, and parts of Hokuriku (the easternmost Western Japanese dialects), there is a more innovative system, structurally similar to a combination of these patterns. There are both high and low initial tone as well as the possibility of an accented mora. That is, unaccented nouns may have either a high or a low tone, and accented words have pitch accent in addition to this word tone. This system will be illustrated with the Kansai dialect of Osaka. Accented high-tone words in Osaka, like ''atama'' 'head', are structurally similar to accented words in Tokyo, except that the pitch is uniformly high prior to the downstep, rather than rising as in Tokyo. As in Tokyo, the subsequent morae have low pitch. Unaccented high-tone words, such as ''sakura'' 'cherry tree', are pronounced with a high tone on every syllable, and in following unaccented particles: :High tone , accent on ''ta'': :High tone , no accent: Low-tone accented words are pronounced with a low pitch on every mora but the accented one. They are like accented words in Kagoshima, except that again there are many exceptions to the default placement of the accent. For example, ''tokage'' is accented on the ''ka'' in both Osaka and Kagoshima, but ''omonaga'' 'oval face' is accented on ''mo'' in Osaka and ''na'' in Kagoshima (the default position for both dialects); also, in Osaka the accented is fixed on the ''mo,'' whereas in Kagoshima it shifts when particles are added. Unaccented low-tone words such as ''usagi'' 'rabbit' have high pitch only in the final mora, just as in Kagoshima: :Low tone , accent on ''mo'': :Low tone , no accent: Hokuriku dialect inCorrespondences between dialects
There are regular correspondences between Tokyo-type and Keihan-type accents. The downstep on high-tone words in conservative Keihan accents generally occurs one syllable earlier than in the older Tokyo-type accent. For example, ''kokoro'' 'heart' is in Tokyo but in Osaka; ''kotoba'' 'word' is in Tokyo but in Osaka; ''kawa'' 'river' is in Tokyo but in Osaka. If a word is unaccented and high-tone in Keihan dialects, it is also unaccented in Tokyo-type dialects. If a two-mora word has a low tone in Keihan dialects, it has a downstep on the first mora in Tokyo-type dialects. In Tokyo, whereas most non-compound native nouns have no accent, most verbs (including adjectives) do. Moreover, the accent is always on the penultimate mora, that is, the last mora of the verb stem, as in 'be white' and 'get up'. In Kansai, however, verbs have high- and low-tone paradigms as nouns do. High-tone verbs are either unaccented or are accented on the penultimate mora, as in Tokyo. Low-tone verbs are either unaccented or accented on the final syllable, triggering a low tone on unaccented suffixes. In Kyoto, verbal tone varies irregularly with inflection, a situation not found in more conservative dialects, even more conservative Kansai-type dialects such as that ofSyllabic and moraic
Japanese pitch accent also varies in how it interacts with syllables and morae. Kagoshima is a purely syllabic dialect, while Osaka is moraic. For example, the low-tone unaccented noun ''shinbun'' 'newspaper' is in Kagoshima, with the high tone spread across the entire final syllable ''bun,'' but in Osaka it is , with the high tone restricted to the final mora ''n''. In Tokyo, accent placement is constrained by the syllable, though the downstep occurs between the morae of that syllable. That is, a stressed syllable in Tokyo dialect, as in ''kai'' 'shell' or ''san'' 'divining rod', will always have the pattern , never .Although in other words with the moraic pattern of ''kai'' and ''san'' the second mora may have a high tone and the first a low tone, this is just the rise in pitch, in an unaccented word or before a downstep, spread across the syllable, and does not depend on whether that syllable consists of one mora or two. Unaccented ''ha'' 'leaf', for example, has a rising tone in Tokyo dialect, whereas accented ''ne'' 'root' has a falling tone; likewise unaccented ''kai'' 'buying' and ''san'' 'three' have a rising tone, whereas accented ''kai'' 'shell' and ''san'' 'divining rod' can only have a falling tone. In Osaka, however, either pattern may occur: ''tonbi'' ' black kite' is in Tokyo but in Osaka.References
Bibliography
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