Language name
Yolmo is both the name of the language ( glottonym), and the ethnic group of people who speak the language (Language family
Yolmo is part of the family of languages called Kyirong-Kagate. The languages of this family are located along the Himalayan hills and mountains mostly on the Nepal side of the border, although Kyirong is in the Tibet Antonymous Region. Along with Yolmo, Kyirong and Syuba, other languages in the family include Tsum, Nubri and Gyalsumdo. The language family is better considered be Kyirong-Yolmo. Yolmo has far more speakers (at least 10,000) than Kagate (Syuba) (1,500), Yolmo speakers are found in multiple districts, including Melamchi, Lamjung and Ilam, while Kagate speakers are based in Ramechhap. Also, ''Kagate'' is an exonym, and speakers now prefer theHistory
Yolmo speakers traditionally reside in the Helambu and Melamchi Valley regions in the Nuwakot and Sindhupalchowk districts of Nepal. Yolmo speakers migrated to the area, across the Himalaya, from the Kyriong, in what is now Southwest Tibet, over 300 years ago. This migration appears to have occurred slowly over multiple generations, rather than one large migration event. Main villages where Yolmo speakers reside include Melamchi Ghyang, Tarke Ghyang, Nakote, Kangyul, Sermathang, Norbugoun, Timbu, and Kutumsang. Yolmo speakers are Buddhist, with the role of head Lama patrilineal. Yolmo Lamas are called upon to perform religious rituals for the Tamang-speaking communities that live in villages below the Yolmo-inhabited areas. This has created a strong socio-cultural link between the two groups that is reflected in traditional marriage practice where Tamang women marry into Yolmo villages. There is also a distinct local tradition of ''pòmbo'' (often referred to as 'shamanism' in the literature on this topic). The ''pòmbo'' tradition, passed from father to son, is focused on healing, particularly with regard to 'soul loss'. This practice appears to be evolving fit with the modern focus on Buddhism among Yolmo people. For example, ''pòmbo'' blood sacrifices are no longer performed as commonly. While there are similarities, including a shared etymology, these local practitioners are not formally associated with the Bon of Tibet. Traditionally Yolmo people were yak herders and traders. They currently practice a combination of mixed agriculture involving livestock herding, hotel management, restaurants, and trading. Although outward migrants would often return to village life, speakers of Yolmo are increasing settling in Kathmandu, or moving overseas, which has an effect on transmission of the language as speakers move towards dominant languages of formal education such as Nepal and English. For more on the history of Yolmo speakers, see the Yolmo people page.Dialects
There are a number of dialects of Yolmo, spread throughout Nepal, thanks to migration in recent centuries, including in Lamjung and Ilam. There are also closely related languages that should be considered when discussing Yolmo, including Kagate (Syuba) and Langtang. Some of these varieties have been documented in more detail than others. Some of the dialects also have more mutual intelligibility, which means it is easier for the speakers to understand each other. Below is a list of established dialects, including what is known about each.Melamchi Valley Yolmo
Langtang
Northwest of the Yolmo-speaking areas in the Langtang valley of the Rasuwa District are three villages that speak a language that is mutually intelligible with Yolmo. This language also shares features with Kyirong and is likely part of a dialect continuum between Yolmo and Kyirong.Lamjung Yolmo
Ilam Yolmo
A dialect of Yolmo is reportedly spoken in the Ilam District of far east Nepal. There is very little documentation of this variety, but it is mutually intelligible with Syuba. Recordings from the dialect are available as a subset of an online collection of Syuba materials archived with PARADISEC.Syuba (Kagate)
Although Syuba has a distinct name, and a separate ISO 639-3 code (SYW), linguistically it can be considered a dialect of Yolmo. Syuba speakers say their families migrated to the area more than a century ago. Hari, who worked on both Yolmo and Syuba observes that "to quite a large extent they are mutually intelligible dialects". The lexical similarity between Syuba and Melamchi Valley Yolmo is at least 79%, with the similarity between Syuba and Lamjung Yolmo even higher (88%). There is a higher level of similarity between Yolmo and Syuba than there is between either of these languages and Kyirong. This all suggests that the separated dialects may have more in common with each other than with the main dialect area. In 2016 the Syuba community published a Syuba-Nepali-English dictionary. Three open access collections of SyubaLanguage vitality
Using the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS), Ethnologue gives Yolmo a vitality rating of 6a 'Vigorous', but does not cite a source for this claim. The vitality of the language varies depending on the location. In the Melamchi Valley area the language is spoken mostly by older adults. The younger generations having largely shifted to Nepali, though the language is being maintained for religious practices. The shift towards Nepali for younger speakers has also been observed in Lamjung, as this is the language used in schools. The Syuba variety in Ramechhap is currently still spoken across all generations, including children. Mitchell & Eichentopf give it an EGIDS rating of 6a 'Vigorous', which is the likely reference for the Ethnologue rating. This is a recent survey with primary data presented, and is in concord with the first author's own observations of this community. There is insufficient data on the Ilam or Langtang variety to assess their vitality at this stage.Language contact
The majority of Yolmo speakers are minimally bilingual in the national language Nepali. For older speakers Nepali was mostly used for interaction with people outside their community, and they may be less proficient, while younger speakers are likely to have attended school in Nepali and are proficient. While there is relatively little influence of Nepali on basic vocabulary (such as the Swadesh list below), Nepali words are commonly adopted into Yolmo. In Hari & Lama's dictionary of over 4000 entries there are over 200 entries marked with some kind of Nepali influence. The extent to which Nepali words have been reconfigured to Yolmo phonology has not been systematically studied. One observation is that Nepali verbs take a suffix ''-ti'' before any tense or aspect marking. This suffix is not voiced in any environment, unlike theOrthography
Hyolmo does not have a written tradition although there are attempts to develop an orthography based on Devanagari, the script used to write the national languageDevanagari
The modifications to Devanagari are minor, and are intended to ensure that all sounds in the language can be represented. None of the orthographies use the ' inherent schwa vowel', meaning that a consonant without an overt vowel is not treated as having an implied vowel. Consonants remain the same as in the existing Devanagari tradition, with the use of joined digraphs to represent additional sounds in the language, such as the combination of क (k) and य (y) for the palatal stop क्य ( 'kh'), स (s) and य (y) for the palatal fricative स्य ( �'sh'), र and ह for the voiceless liquid र्ह ( ̥'rh'), and ल and ह for the voiceless lateral ल्ह ( ̥'lh') ह्य ('hy'). Vowel length is unmarked in the Syuba dictionary, in the two Yolmo dictionaries the standard Devanagari length distinctions are made, with the addition of a small diacritic below the 'a' vowel ( ा) to indicate a longer vowel. The Hari & Lama and Gawne dictionaries both use ह (h) after the vowel to mark low tone (e.g. टाह ''ʈà'' 'pheasant'), while in (the Syuba orthography aRoman
All three dictionaries also make use of variations on a Romanised orthography, although this does not appear to be used or preferred by Hyolmo speakers, and is intended for the English-literate audience of the dictionaries. Consonants predominantly take their form from theGrammatical overview
The sections below contain an overview of the key features of the grammar of Hyolmo. Information is mostly drawn from Hari's grammar of the language, supplemented by the Yohlmo-Nepali-English dictionary she co-wrote with Chhegu Lama. Differences between this variety and other documented dialects are indicated where relevant. Links to other related languages will also be made where relevant. All example sentences are presented with an interlinear gloss. This breaks down the words on a morpheme level, giving information about the meaning of each morpheme using a standard set of glossing abbreviations. All examples are cited back to the original publication they are drawn from. Some glossing has been regularised, or added where it was not included in the original.Phonology
Consonants
There are 36 consonants in Yolmo, which are summarized in the table below. The form is given in IPA and then to the right in brackets is given the form used in this article, if different. : Not all consonants are equally frequent. In particular ̥and ̥are not particularly frequent, nor are vowel-initial words.Vowels
There are five places of articulation for vowels. There is a length distinction at each place of articulation. The form of each vowel is given in IPA and then to the right in brackets is given the form used in this article, if different. : Below are some minimal pairs that demonstrate the vowel length distinction. The diacritic above the vowel is the tone marker, the acute accent indicates that all of these examples are high tone. This is explained in more detail in the section on tone. : Vowel-length distinctions are not common across Tibetic language, but they are also attested in Syuba (although Syuba speakers do not consider them salient enough to encode in the orthography) and in Kyirong for open syllables. Unlike many other Tibetic languages, including Kyirong, andTone
Like other Tibetic languages, Yolmo has tone, which is located on the first vowel of a word. Hari presents a four tone contrast of Melamchi Valley Yolmo; high level, high falling, low level and low falling. Acoustic evidence from Lamjung Yolmo and Kagate indicates that there is only acoustic evidence for a contrast between two tones; low and high. Below are some examples of tone minimal pairs: : Low tone words can be marked with breathy voice, but this is not always the case. The practice of indicating low tone with a 'h' following the vowel in some orthographies is related to this breathy property of low-tone vowels. The high tone, which uses modal voice, is left unmarked. Tone is predictable in some environments. It is always high following aspiratedSyllable structure
Yolmo has the syllable structure (C)(C)V(C). This means that the minimum a syllable needs is a vowel. Syllables can also have up to two consonants before the vowel and one after the vowel. : All consonants and vowels can occur word-initial, with a restricted set able to occur in the second syllable. The set of syllable initial consonant clusters includes /pr, br, kr, py, phy, sw, kw, thw, rw/. All vowels can occur syllable-final, and final consonants include voiceless unaspirated bilabial /b/ and velar stops /k/, voiced liquids /l,r/, the voiced labio-velar /w/ and all nasals except the palatal /m, n, ng/.Morphophonemic processes
There is a regular process by which the suffixes undergo a change depending on the nature of the verb that they are attached to. Suffixes that begin with a voiceless stop, such as the non-past ''-ke'', the imperative ''-toŋ'' or the hortative ''-ka'''','' all undergo regular morphophonological processes. If they occur after a syllable with a final sound that is voiced they will also be voiced, if they occur after an unvoiced final sound, or an /r/ the start of the suffix will be unvoiced. The examples below are with the non-past ''-ke'''':'' : The only forms that cannot be predicted by this process is if the suffix is after /i/ or /e/, both of which are high front vowels. The voicing cannot be predicted in this context, and the suffix is sometimes voiced and sometimes unvoiced. Below are examples of verbs with both /i/ and /e/: : There is also a tendency for suffixes that begin with -k/ -g to omit the initial sound after a vowel. This is not as regular a process as the voicing alterations described above. Below are some examples of this process: :Word order
Yolmo has the basic word order of Subject-Object-Verb. This is common in the Tibeto-Burman family.Nouns/nominals
The noun phrase in Yolmo includes either a noun or a pronoun. The noun phrase with a noun can also include aDeterminers
The YolmoPronouns
Yolmo pronouns are presented in the table below. There is an inclusive/exclusive distinction for first person plural pronouns, a gender distinction for third person singular and anInterrogative pronouns
Proper nouns
Proper nouns include people's names, place names and the names of deities. They do not take determiners, number, or adjectives.Plural
The plural marker in Melamchi and Lamjung Yolmo is ''=ya''. The plural is treated as aFocus marker
Yolmo has a nominal focus marker ''-ti''. The focus marker gives prominence to the noun it is attached to. In the example below, the older brother is singled out, contrasted with other relatives who perhaps did not obtain such wealth: Hari also notes for Melamchi Valley Yolmo that there is a focus marker ''-ka'', which is used specifically to mark something as contrary to expectation. Nouns can also take the emphatic suffixes ''-ni'' and ''-raŋ'', which are also used for other parts of speech (see section on lexical emphasis).Case marking
Yolmo uses post-positional suffixes to mark theErgative case
Yolmo has optional ergative case-marking. Ergative marking means that subjects of intransitive verbs are unmarked, the same as objects of transitive verbs. Subjects of transitive verbs are distinguished from both of these with the ''=ki'' marker (in contrast to nominative-accusative languages like English, where the subjects of both intransitive and transitive verbs are marked in contrast with objects of transitive verbs). Below is an intransitive sentence, with the subject ''ŋà'' taking no marking: In contrast with this ergative-marked transitive, where the subject ''ŋà'' is marked with the ergative: Speakers do not always use the ergative case, which is why it is considered 'optional': Ergative marking is more common for past tense, and non-Dative case
Dative case is typically used to indicate, broadly, the noun to which something is given. The Yolmo dative has this function, but it also has a function in 'dative subject' constructions. The dative subject occurs with a small set of intransitive verbs, and denote personal, and usually internal, states. The use of dative subjects is common in languages of this area, and is also attested more broadly.Number
Yolmo has a base-20 counting system. As can be seen in the examples above, cardinal numbers can be used in noun phrases. The Yolmo number system is very similar to that of Standard Tibetan and other Tibetan varieties. In the table below is the Yolmo number, taken from Hari's dictionary. In Lamjung Yolmo, the base-20 system is only used by a small number of older speakers, with others using a base-10 system. For example, 'twenty' is ''ɲídʑu'', 'thirty' is ''súmdʑu'', 'forty' is ''ɕíptɕu'', etc. Even then, once people reach 20 the usually switch to counting in Nepali. Ordinal numbers are formed by addition of the suffix ''-pa'', or alternatively with the suffix ''-pu'' for ordinals relating to people, in Melamchi Yolmo. Ordinals are typically only formed up to 20.Numeral classifiers
Yolmo also has an optionalAdjectives
Adjectives occur within the noun phrase. Adjectives usually come after the noun so 'small child' would be ''pìʑa tɕháme'' (lit. 'child small'). Adjectives can also occur before the noun, especially in casual speech. Many adjectives are derived from verb forms, and often end with ''-pu, -po, -pa'' or ''-mu'', but they do not act as verbs, as we see in languages like Magar and Manage. Hari also notes that there are some adjectives that appear to not have a known verbal origin. Adjectives can occur as the head of a noun phrase, but this is very uncommon. It is possible to create a new adjective from a verb, using the ''-pa'' nominalising suffix. The verb stem is often reduplicated; ''rùl-'' 'to rot' becomes ''rùl rùlba'' 'rotten' and ''pàŋ-'' 'to be wet' becomes ''pàŋ pàŋba'' 'wet'.Verbs
There are three main types of verbs in Yolmo, lexical verbs,Copula verbs
The copula verbs and their functions are given in the table below. Copulas are not inflected for person, number or politeness level and many do not distinguish tense: :: Equation copulas are used to link two noun phrases, while existential copulas are used for functions of existence, location, attribution and possession. Hari describes the forms that end in ''-pa'' (voiced in this environment so they become ''-ba)'' as more emphatic, unlike lexical verbs with a ''-pa'' suffix they do not indicate past tense, and are not used exclusively in question structures. Some copula verbs can also be used as verbal auxiliaries, particularly in constructions marked for aspect, where they contribute evidential, tense or epistemic information. The negative forms of each copula are given in the section onEgophoric
The egophoric, or personal, is used to indicate that the speaker has personal knowledge about the information. In the example below, the speaker would not be reading the name of the book, but already know the name as they show it to someone else: Unlike in Standard Tibetan, the speaker does not need to be personally close to an individual to use the egophoric while talking about them. Different varieties of Yolmo prefer different forms of the egophoric as the default; In Helambu they prefer ''yìn'', in Lamjung ''yìmba'' and Ilam ''yìŋge''. ''yèken'' is past tense forms of the existential (''yèke'' in Lamjung), with the form ''yèba'' also often used in past tense structures, as well as questions. The past form cannot be further decomposed, as the form ''-ken/-ke'' is the non-past tense suffix for lexical verbs. There are some structures where the egophoric is used as the default, such as conditionals.Dubitative
Unlike the other copulas, which mark evidential distinctions, the dubitative copulas are epistemic forms used for reduced certainty. They are related to the ''-ʈo'' dubitative suffixes for lexical verbs. In the example below, the speaker does not have any direct evidence that Rijan is in the house, but thinks that is where he might be:Perceptual
The perceptual, or sensory, evidential is used to mark information acquired through direct sensory evidence, either through sight, one of the other senses, or internal state (such as feeling an ache). Hari calls the perceptual formsGeneral fact
The general fact form is used for uncontroversial and universally known facts. This verb is used in functions of existence, location, attribution and possession, and is not used in equational structures. The form is ''òŋgen'' in Melamchi Valley Yolmo and ''òŋge'' in Lamjung Yolmo, demonstrating a link with the non-past tense suffix. The verb itself is from the lexical verb ''òŋ-'' 'come'. It cannot be used for facts about the past. This copula is not attested inLexical verb stems
The Melamchi Valley variety of Yolmo exhibit verb stem alterations in the context of some verb structures. Verb stems with short front vowels have their vowels lengthened (e.g. /i/→/ii/), short back vowels are fronted and lengthened (e.g. /o/ and /a/→/ee/, /u/→/i/). These changes occur mostly with perfective structures and imperatives. Below are some examples of this alternation using the verb ''má-'' 'say': When these structures are negated, the negative prefix is lengthened rather than the verb stem, which maintains the vowel change (this does not occur in the imperative). These alterations do not occur in Lamjung Yolmo or Syuba.Auxiliary verbs
There is a small set of auxiliary verbs in Yolmo. The auxiliary ''tè''- is the same as the lexical verb ''tè''- 'sit' and is used to add imperfective aspect: A subset of the copulas can also be used as verbal auxiliaries; ''yìn, yè, yèken ''and'' dù''. These contribute evidential information and for also some tense information. As you can see in the example above the ''dù'' copula is being used as an auxiliary, so they can co-occur with the other auxiliaries.Tense
Yolmo has a major tense distinction between past and non-past. These are marked with suffixes on the lexical verb, ''-sin ''is the past tense marker and -''ke'' or -''ken ''is the non-past marker.Past tense
The past tense form is ''-sin.'' The past tense form ''-sin'' can also occur with the perceptual evidential ''dú'' in an auxiliary position. This is not possible with the non-past tense suffix, nor can any other copula be used as an auxiliary with the past tense suffix. Hari suggests this structure is inferential, in that the speaker did not have to witness the event, Gawne describes it as 'narrative past'. Melamchi Valley Yolmo also has a past tense form ''-kyo'' that Hari refers to as the 'main-point past/ telling past’, this form is not found in Lamjung Yolmo. There is also the form ''-pa'', which Hari says is always used in question structures. In Lamjung Yolmo there are some examples where it is used in declaratives rather than questions, with a past-tense meaning.Non-past tense
The non-past tense is used for both present and future constructions. Hari gives the forms ''-ke'' and -''ken ''for Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but only ''-ke'' is attested in Lamjung Yolmo. Hari refers to this form as the 'intentional present' but it can also be used in future constructions:Aspect
There are a number of verb suffixes that are used to mark aspect, these broadly fall into categories of imperfective and perfective, as well asImperfective
The imperfective is used for events that are ongoing or not complete. The ''-ku'' suffix is attested in both Melamchi Valley and Lamjung Yolmo. It can only be used with the ''dù'' copula verb. The imperfective form -''teraŋ'' can be used with either the ''dù'' or ''yè'' copula verb. In Lumjung Yolmo some speakers pronounce it as ''-tiraŋ.'' Hari refers to the -''teraŋ'' construction as the 'perfect continuous aspect', because it can be used to refer to something that was ongoing until a particular point, as per this first example: Gawne describes it as an imperfective, as it does not appear to have this perfect aspect function in Lamjung Yolmo, as per this example: The auxiliary verb ''tè'' can also be used to mark an imperfective construction. Neither ''-ku'' nor -''teraŋ'' are used if the negative prefix is on the main verb. The auxiliary verb can be used in negative constructions, and takes the negative prefix, rather than the main verb. In the example below, the -''teraŋ'' imperfective is used as the negative prefix is on the auxiliary:Perfective
TheHabitual
Mood
Mood is marked in Yolmo with a set of verb suffixes. The main mood suffixes are given in the table below :Imperative
The polite imperative suffix is -''toŋ'' (voiced as ''-doŋ'' after voiced codas and some vowels). An overt subject is not used, and the same imperative form is used regardless of person or number: The less polite form of the imperative consists of an unmarked verb stem: There are also a small number of irregular imperatives that are formed without the imperative suffix, particularly ''sò'' 'eat!', from ''sà''- 'eat'. If there is an honorific form of the verb it can be used, unmarked, as the most polite form of the imperative: The negative form of the imperative (theHortative
Gawne notes two verbal suffix forms for the hortative in Lamjung Yolmo, a ''-ka'' and a ''-tɕo.'' The ''-ka'' form is used with all persons except first person singular. The suffix remains in negated horatitves: The ''-tɕo'' form is used with first person singular, as well as with other persons. It also remains in negative constructions. ''-tɕo'' appears to be less strong, and tends to be used more frequently. Hari gives the form as ''-tɕo'' (she also calls it an optative, but it appears to be a hortative)Optative
Hari does not list an optative suffix. Gawne gives the optative -''ɲi'' in Lamjung Yolmo. Hari & Lama (2004: 146) list ''ɲi-'' as a verb that expresses a 'strong wish’, clearly linking to the Lamjung Yolmo optative form.Dubitative
Hari describes theNegation
Negation is marked on lexical verbs byVerb paradigm
Below are verb paradigms for two verbs, the first is the intransitive verb ''ŋù'' 'cry' and the second is the transitive verb ''sà'' 'eat'. Both are given mostly with third person subject, although this is not particularly important as subject person does not affect the form of the verb. For both verbs you can see the change in verb stem. For dialect specific variation, click on the link back to each specific form.Clause structure
This section outlines some of the main features of the structure of clauses in Yolmo.Nominalisation
Nominalisation is the process by which words undergo a change that allows them to act as nouns. While nominalisation is common process, it is particularly pervasive inAdverbials
An adverbial structure modifies the verb in some way.Temporal adverbial subordination
Temporal adverbs can create subordinated clauses. Below is the list of temporal adverbs observed in Yolmo to date, some are independent words, and others are verbal suffixes: :Manner adverbs
Manner adverbs create a subordinated clause that expresses the manner of an action. The manner adverb is ''lèemu'' (''lìmu'' in Lamjung). The forms ''tíle'' and ''dènmu'' are also found in Lamjung Yolmo, but not yet attested in other varieties.Conditional
Conditional constructions are formed through the use of the suffix ''-na'' on the verb in the protasis clause (the 'if' clause). Speakers will either use the ''-na'' suffix directly on the verb, or leave the verb unmarked at attach the ''-na'' suffix to the verb meaning ‘say’ (''mée'' in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, ''làp'' in Lamjung Yolmo).Complementation
ARelativisation
A relative clause is depended on a main clause. Different relativising strategies are used in the two described varieties of Yolmo. In Melamchi Valley Yolmo the non-past tense form ''-ken(-gi)'' is used for non-past constructions, and the past tense form ''-kyo(-gi)'' is used for past tense constructions (for each the ''-gi'' is optional). Similarly, in Lamjung Yolmo, ''-ke-ki'' can be used for non-past relativised clauses and -''pa-ki f''or past relativised clauses. This difference reflects the fact that the past tense form -''kyo'' is not found in Lamjung Yolmo. In Lamjung Yolmo, the nominaliser ''-kandi'' can be used to make a relative clause:Clause chaining
The perfective suffix ''-ti'' is used to chain clauses together. Multiple verbs with this suffix can be stacked to create a complex series of events.Question formation
Word order does not change to form questions in Yolmo. Rising intonation at the end of the utterance can indicate it is a question. A set of interrogative pronouns are used for open content questions. The ''-pa'' suffix, which was introduced in the section on past tense is used in question structures. The reply would be with the regular past tense, and not the ''-pa'' suffix: The copula form used in a question matches the form the question-asked anticipates the question-answerer will use in their answer. That is, if they anticipate the answer will use the perceptual evidential ''dù'', this is the form they will use in asking the question.Reported speech
Yolmo has two strategies for reporting speech, the first is using the lexical verb ''má'' or ''làp'' 'say', the second is using the clause final evidential particle ''ló.''Lexical verb
In Melamchi Valley Yolmo the main lexical verb of saying is ''má,'' in Lamjung Yolmo it is ''làp''. Hari and Lama note that ''làp'' is found in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but in restricted use. If the speaker, and the person the speech is directed at are overtly marked, these usually proceed the reported content (although they are frequently not overt in natural speech). The 'say' verb prototypically occurs after the reported content, although if the reported content is quite long the verb may occasionally come before it. The lexical verb 'say' is also used in a number of other constructions, including conditionals.Reported speech evidential
The reported speech particle also indicates that the speaker is reporting a prior utterance, but has a different focus. The reported speech particle does not account for who the speaker way, but instead primarily serves to focus on the fact the information is reported, and not directly witnessed by the speaker. In the example below from Syuba, it is not made explicit if the report comes from Maila, or another person. The reported speech evidential occurs frequently in narratives. This is part of the wider evidential system of Yolmo, which is also found in the copula verbs above.Lexical emphasis
There are two emphatic suffixes that can be used with a number of word classes. This is in contrast to the emphatic form ''-ti'', which is only used with nouns. The first is ''-ni, and'' the second is ''-raŋ'', which Hari & Lama note is a frequently used emphatic marker in informal speech. The distinction between all of these forms is unclear, although Hari refers to the ''-ni'' form as used for 'moderate focus', so it is perhaps less emphatic for nouns than the ''-ti'' suffix.Clause final particles
Yolmo has a series of sentence final particles that can be used to achieve a range of effects. The table below gives some of the particles in Yolmo and a brief description of their function. :: The reported speech marker ''ló ''is an evidential form, as it indicates the source of the information as someone else. This structure is described in the section on reported speech.Honorifics
Yolmo has a subset of honorific vocabulary which is used when talking to, or about, people of higher social status, particularly Buddhist Lamas. Honorific lexicon includes nouns, verbs and adjectives. The table below gives some examples, including the regular word, the honorific form, and the English translation. : The use of honorifics in Syuba and Lamjung Yolmo is not as common, although some speakers still recognise and use these forms.100 word Swadesh list
Below is a 100 word Swadesh list in Yolmo. The Yolmo forms are taken from Hari and Lama, who note some variation between the Eastern (E) and Western (W) varieties in the Melamchi and Helambu Valley area. Where the form is different in other varieties this is indicated in the right-hand column of the table. This variation shows that the Lamjung variety and Syuba have more in common with each other lexically than they do with the Melamchi Valley variety. : :See also
* Kyirong–Kagate languages * Kyirong language *External resources
* Open access digital collection of Anna Marie Hari'Key references
* * Clarke, Graham E. (1980). "Lama and Tamang in Yolmo." ''Tibetan Studies in honor of Hugh Richardson''. M. Aris and A. S. S. Kyi (eds). Warminster, Aris and Phillips: 79-86. * Gawne, Lauren (2011). ''Lamjung Yolmo-Nepali-English dictionary.'' Melbourne, Custom Book Centre; The University of Melbourne. * * Hari, Anna Maria & Chhegu Lama (2004). ''Dictionary Yolhmo-Nepali-English''. Kathmandu: Central Department of Linguistics, Tribhuvan University. * Hari, Anna Maria (2010). ''Yohlmo Sketch Grammar''. Kathmandu: Ekta books. * Hedlin, Matthew (2011). ''An Investigation of the relationship between the Kyirong, Yòlmo, and Standard Spoken Tibetan speech varieties''. Masters thesis, Payap University, Chiang MaiReferences
{{Languages of Nepal Languages of Nepal South Bodish languages Languages of Sikkim Languages of Tibet