Early life
Born in 1935 inWork
* ''The Practice of Method – An Introduction to the Foundations of Social Therapy'' (Fred Newman, Lois Hood (née Holzman), & Staff of the New York Institute for Social Therapy and Research, 1979, The New York Institute for Social Therapy and Research) During the 1960s and 1970s, there were diverse challenges to authoritarian and repressive social and political institutions. The institutions of psychiatry and psychotherapy, in particular, were the targets of passionate critiques by Sylvere Lotringer, R.D. Laing, and Thomas Szasz, among others. There were significant challenges to the class, racial, patriarchal, and homophobic biases in psychoanalysis and in Freudian and neo-Freudian therapies. There were also attempts to synthesize Marx and Freud. ''The Practice of Method'', is the seminal written work on ''social therapy'', the first published formulation by Newman and his colleagues of a Marxist approach to therapy. Social therapy came, in later years, to be influenced by other thinkers (notably Vygotsky and Wittgenstein) and other therapeutic approaches (notably cognitive behavioral therapy). ''The Practice of Method'' exposes the roots of social therapy. It is the beginning of a continuing investigation of method in the study of human growth and development, to which Newman (together with his chief collaborator, Lois Holzman) returns again and again in his later work. In ''The Practice of Method'', the title itself is the first provocation in a book that is full of them. A method is conventionally understood as something which is applied to (practiced ''on'') appropriate objects. The practice of method is propounded as a new conception of method – not a method to be practiced, but a method that ''is'' a practice. Another provocation is directed at anti-Marxists. Newman and his colleagues do not use the neutral description "conventional". The Marxist method that ''is'' a practice is counter posed to the dualist (or "bourgeois") method ''to be'' practiced. However, although Newman and his colleagues locate themselves decisively as Marxists and revolutionaries, little ink is wasted polemicizing against capitalism. The oppressiveness of capitalism is taken for granted, and the argument is relatively free of leftist rhetoric. The question of Marxist method is pursued, making use of ''The German Ideology'', ''The Grundrisse'', ''The 1844 Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts'', ''Theses on Feuerbach'', and ''Capital'', as well as some of Vygotsky's observations. A third provocation is that Newman and his colleagues disclaim the role of bourgeois radical, or "dissident", along with the related activities of consciousness-raising, radical therapy, and "socialist therapy". These roles and activities (sometimes predicated on a nominal Marxism) are rejected, despite being well intentioned, because they are premised on the ''negation'', rather than the ''overthrow'', of bourgeois methodology and ideology. (It turns out that the difference between negation and overthrow turns decisively on the question of method.) To sum up, the authors locate ''The Practice of Method'' in what might be called (after Lukács) ''the actuality of the revolution''. As a result, to anti-Marxists and dissidents indifferent to Marx, it may seem dogmatic. Marxists and revolutionaries, on the other hand, may find themselves impatient with the modest goals of the book. They will be struck by the contrast between the world-historic perspective of Marx on the one hand, and the subtle distinctions and nuances that characterize the practice of method and the painstaking detail of social therapeutic practice on the other. They may even disdain altogether the attempt at a Marxist treatment of subjectivity as "idealism". Newman and his colleagues make no effort to reconcile these points of view. On their view, social therapy is not ''socialist'', but it is Marxist. If the world is not actually (historically) in a transition to socialism, then social therapy and the practice of method are historically invalid. On the other hand, if the world is in such a transition, all other methods and therapies are invalid. ''The Practice of Method'' is self-reflexive, and this is one of the challenges in reading it. Its form is expressive of its content. One feels, from the first page, ''in medias res''. It slowly becomes clear that this anti-foundationalism is indeed part of what is meant by the practice of method. It is not definitional. It is not conclusionary. As Wittgenstein might say, Newman et al. "move around and about" the practice of method. It is not built up from particulars. Rather, the particulars are understood (and are shown to be meaningful) by their location within it. Here are a few of the particulars:A Marx-Freud synthesis?
Some have tried to "synthesize" Marx and Freud. One such attempt (Lichtman, "Marx's Theory of Human Nature", ''Socialist Revolution'', 1977) is examined in detail. Newman and his colleagues attempt to show that the very notion of synthesizing Freud and Marx embodies the dualistic ''Weltanschauung'' of bourgeois science. Such a synthesis distorts both Marx and Freud. It regards them as separate (thus fetishized) products of bourgeois science. In doing so, it subsumes, uncritically, the dualistic method of bourgeois science. In contrast, in the practice of method there are no products that are clearly separate. Just as ''Capital'' is not an alternative to bourgeois economics, but a critique of it, Freud is neither right nor wrong. Transference is not simply negated by social therapy, but "engaged in struggle". As Vygotsky might say, it is both a ''result'' and a ''tool'' for further development. (At the very end of ''The Practice of Method'', there is fascinating account of a group therapy session which attempts to engage transference in just this way. The childish regression that Freud attributes to the individual in the group is not denied. On the contrary, it is ruthlessly exposed (reorganized) in the context of ''practicing method''.) In rejecting a Marx-Freud synthesis, Newman and his colleagues would seem to be rejecting the dialectic of Hegel (and of Feuerbach) in favor of Marx's dialectic. In the practice of method, Freud's understanding is both a result (the raw material) and tool in the development of a Marxist understanding. In history, Marx and Freud are ''already'' integrated. The attempt to integrate them actually ''dis''integrates them.Understanding
On the view of Newman and his colleagues, helping people with emotional suffering ("curing" them) requires engaging and reorganizing ''how they understand''. Emotional suffering is not a fixed input. Like human subjectivity in general, it is a relationship between what people experience socially, and the tools available to them for understanding it. It is common knowledge that individuals are able to function at a high level and endure extraordinary physical and emotional suffering, ''if'' they experience a coherency between what is demanded of them by social institutions, and their understanding of these demands. Human psychology, understanding, and mode of explanation are broadly conceived in Marxist terms, as part of the organization of production. As the coherency between the forces of production and the organization of production breaks down, understanding breaks down too, and with it people's ability to function socially.Scientific explanation
Newman and his colleagues locate bourgeois science as a mode of investigation and explanation of world-historical importance. From a Marxist perspective, the development of scientific technology has been crucial to whatever coherence exists between the forces of capitalist production and their organization. It is thus a major factor in what has made capitalism historically progressive. As this coherence breaks down, however, the adequacy of science as a universal mode of understanding is challenged. Such are the historical origins of the critique of bourgeois science (beginning with Marx, and finding expression eventually, in some form, in the discoveries of Einstein, Gödel, and Quine). Bourgeois science is dualistic as a mode of explanation. As a method to be practiced, in arriving at its conclusions it makes a fundamental distinction between the initial conditions and the phenomena that can be deduced from them by the application of the appropriate method. The ''deductive'' mode of explanation attempts to understand what happens in light of what has happened before as a precondition. It sees the inputs (the conditions) as producing a predictable output. This happens to be progressive (that is, it works very well) when the fields of application are the laws of motion of inert matter (and other physical sciences and their associated technologies). However, in the realm of ''human activity'', this eliminates subjectivity as a factor. Thus, the ''method to be practiced'' of dualistic science is to be distinguished from the monistic ''practice of method''. On Freud's dualistic understanding, human beings and their subjectivity are produced by society, but society itself is produced by fixed inputs. On Marx's account, there is a dialectic. Human beings and their subjectivity are produced by society and society itself is produced by these same human beings. (See ''Theses on Feuerbach''.) Thus, on Freud's view, there is no accounting for the transformation of society – and therefore no accounting for human development. It is simply left out. Thus, what follows deductively does not follow historically. Such is the case with human emotions and subjectivity. If activity is not a fixed input (and if human beings are the makers of history at the same time that they are products of it) emotions are not explainable entirely in terms of their preconditions. Relationships with parents and childhood experiences of all kinds are no doubt factors. But they cannot be the full story. On this understanding, growing emotionally – becoming more powerful, more productive, and happier in one's life – requires that bourgeois understanding itself be engaged and challenged. But this engagement does not end with the critique of bourgeois science. The critique is one component of a practice (and for most people seeking help, not the first one to be encountered). What matters most is not that patients understand the critique in its entirety, but that they are getting therapeutic help from therapists who are actively struggling to express the critique in their practice. As Newman and his colleagues express it, "knowing better" is not the same thing as "being better". Even on the most sympathetic reading, ''The Practice of Method'' is a sprawling and frustrating work. Its insights are suggestive and intriguing, but will seem to some to be insufficiently developed. Yet here too (to see a strength, as well as a limitation) its form is expressive of its content. It self-reflexively ''practices method''. It demands that the reader – if only ''qua'' reader – be an activist. On its own account, it is not a theoretical treatise, but a component of the practice of social therapy and, in fairness, cannot be judged except in relation to that practice. While provoking pretty much everybody, ''The Practice of Method'' is also an invitation. It invites readers (whoever they might be) to participate in "a change that is an understanding". Are such participants "revolutionaries"? A categorical answer to this question is rejected. The practice of method does not answer every question – to paraphrase Vygotsky, it only answers those that are raised by history. * "Undecidable Emotions (What is Social Therapy? And How Is it Revolutionary?)" (Newman, 2003, ''Journal of Constructivist Psychology'') This article seeks to illuminate a revolutionary approach to group therapy by an appeal to – of all things – twentieth century discoveries in science and mathematical logic. "Is the set of all sets that are not members of themselves a member of itself?" The paradoxical answer to this self-referential question (if it ''is'' it ''isn't'' and if it ''isn't'' it ''is'') turns out to be not just an amusing parlor trick, but the tip of a very big iceberg. Gödel showed that formal systems complex enough to be interesting are inherently ''undecidable'' – there are propositions that cannot be shown, within the system, to be either true or false, and this problem cannot be obviated by ''ad hoc'' devices. This is prologue to the even more provocative claim that the great majority of our statements, whether self-referential or not, embody a descriptive/denotative bias and the "less dramatic but more pervasive paradoxes of referentiality." In the broader culture, reality comes to be understood as identical to its description. But this runs up against the problematic that any event can be described in infinitely many ways. The upshot is that it is not possible in logic (and, ''a fortiori'', anywhere else) to comprehend sets (and other collections, like therapy groups) as simple ''aggregates'' of their members. It is, therefore, remarkable that "the so-called social sciences", in holding to the view that a group can be understood in terms of the relationships of its members (it is decidable), are working with a scientific paradigm that has been abandoned by the hard sciences that they have tried so hard to emulate from their inception. On Newman's account, the discovery of undecidability changes mathematics, physics and cosmology, and it also changes group therapy. For all of them, the universe is now bigger and, in a sense, freer. In mathematics, undecidability leads to new conceptions of proof, and in social therapeutics "the study of emotional activity is continually generative of relevant 'unstudied' activity." The resolution of emotional conflicts (like the proofs in undecidable mathematical systems) must be continuously created. "First principles" are repudiated, in favor of the continuous activity of the group. * "All Power to the Developing!" (Newman & Holzman, 2003, ''Annual Review of Critical Psychology'') This article examines the two Marxist notions, class struggle (''The Communist Manifesto'') and revolutionary activity (''Theses on Feuerbach''). Left analysis has tended both to conflate the two, and to over emphasize class struggle at the expense of revolutionary activity. Class struggle (central to revolutionary movements in the 19th and 20th centuries) has become "an outmoded modernist tool." Revolutionary activity, by contrast "is the post-modern tool-and-result – simultaneously anti-capitalist and constructive – with which human beings can change the world." Social therapy is characterized as "revolution for non-revolutionaries." In addition to Marx, it uses the insights of Vygotsky and Wittgenstein. It seeks to enlist "patients" in the collective work of constructing new environments that challenge the commodification of emotionality, and re-ignite human development. * ''Let's Pretend – Solving the Education Crisis in America:'' * ''A Special Report'' (Newman & Fulani, 2011, ''All Stars Project'') What if all the kids currently failing in American schools ''pretended'' to be good learners, and all the concerned adults played along? The thesis of this paper is that such a "performance" would solve the education crisis in America. Several connected arguments are brought to bare on this idea. First, successful interventions into the "achievement gap" (like the Harlem Children's Zone) are attributed, not primarily to tougher standards and better teaching, but to an overall approach that draws students into highly organized "ensemble performances." Second, an appeal is made to a wealth of social research showing that there is a close connection between "performance in social contexts" and human development. Finally, a distinction is drawn between ''learning'' and ''development'' and it is argued that the ''learning gap'' cannot be closed without closing the ''development gap'' between poor children and children from more affluent circumstances. A seemingly preposterous idea (pretending our way out of the crisis in education) acquires a certain plausibility. The provocative formulation (typical of Newman's writing) seems calculated to expose that the obstacles to implementing such a proposal are primarily institutional and political.Marxism, influences, and views
Newman considered himself a Marxist, a philosophy that he incorporated into his therapeutic approach in an attempt to address the alienating effects of societal institutions on human development. In his earliest statement of his attempt to develop a Marxist approach to emotional problems, Newman wrote in 1974:Proletarian or revolutionary psychotherapy is a journey which begins with the rejection of our inadequacy and ends in the acceptance of our smallness; it is the overthrow of the rulers of the mind by the workers of the mind.Later, Newman (along with his primary collaborator,
Politics
Political roots
Newman founded the collective Centers for Change (CFC) in the late 1960s after the student strikes atElectoral politics
In 1979, Newman became one of the founders of theIndependence Party of New York
After the New Alliance Party was dissolved in 1994, a number of its members and supporters, including Newman and Fulani, joined the Independence Party of New York (IPNY). It had been founded by activists inPlaywriting, theater, and social therapy
Newman was a cofounder (1983), artistic director (1989–2005), and playwright-in-residence of the Castillo Theatre in New York. The theater, named for the Guatemalan poet Otto René Castillo, has served as the primary venue for the production of the 30 plays that Newman wrote since the 1980s, four of which were written for and performed at annual conventions of theThe entire enterprise - human life and its study - is a search for method. Performance social therapeutics, the name we use to describe our Marxian-based, dialectical practice, originated in our group therapy but is also the basis for a continuously emergent development community.Some of Newman's plays have been cited as examples of alleged
We coined the term tool-and-result methodology for Vygotsky's (and our) practice of method in order to distinguish it from the instrumental tool for result methodology that characterizes the natural and social sciences (Newman and Holzman, 1993). Our community building and the projects that comprise it - the East Side Institute for Short Term Psychotherapy, the East Side Center for Social Therapy and affiliated centers in other cities, the Castillo Theatre, the All Stars Talent Show Network, the Development School for Youth, etc. - are practices of this methodology.
From theThe ADL also criticized the Newman's 2004 play, ''Crown Heights'', which was based on theWest Bank The West Bank ( ar, الضفة الغربية, translit=aḍ-Ḍiffah al-Ġarbiyyah; he, הגדה המערבית, translit=HaGadah HaMaʽaravit, also referred to by some Israelis as ) is a landlocked territory near the coast of the Mediter ...to theWest Side West Side or Westside may refer to: Places Canada * West Side, a neighbourhood of Windsor, Ontario * West Side, a neighbourhood of Vancouver, British Columbia United Kingdom * West Side, Lewis, Outer Hebrides, Scotland * Westside, Birmingham E ...of Manhattan, international Jewry was being forced to face its written-in-blood deal with the capitalist devil. In exchange for an unstable assimilation, Jews under the leadership of Zionism would "do-unto-others-what-others-had-done-unto-them." The others to be done unto? People of color. The doing? Ghettoization and genocide. The Jew, the dirty Jew, once the ultimate victim of capitalism's soul, fascism, would become a victimizer on behalf of capitalism, a self-righteous dehumanizer and murderer of people of color, a racist bigot whom in the language ofZionism Zionism ( he, צִיּוֹנוּת ''Tsiyyonut'' after '' Zion'') is a nationalist movement that espouses the establishment of, and support for a homeland for the Jewish people centered in the area roughly corresponding to what is known in Je ...changed the meaning of "Never Again" from "Never Again for anyone" to "Never again for us – and let the devil take everyone else.
Controversy and response
"Therapy Cult" allegations
In 1977, Dennis King, writing for ''Heights and Valley News'', penned an article that alleged Newman was the leader of a " therapy cult." The ''Public Eye'' magazine also carried an article in late 1977 making the claim, but it was primarily directed atAs you will learn from a forthcoming article on Fred Newman and the IWP, the ''Public Eye'' no longer feels it is accurate to call Newman's political network a cult. We do feel that at one point in its development it was fair to characterize the group as a cult, and we still have strong criticisms of the group's organizing style and the relationship between Newman's Therapy Institute and his political organizing. (Editor's Note, ''Public Eye'', 1984; Vol. 4, Nos. 3-4)In 1988, a special issue of ''Radical America'' carried a series of articles and essays alleging manipulation, political deceit, and cult-like practices within the NAP. While Berlet, who had contributed to the issue, noted that Fulani "deserves tremendous credit for apparently gaining ballot status in a majority of states," the editors concluded that there were "dangerous... implications" in failing to confront Newman and his groups: "Painful and unpleasant as it is, the time has come to expose the NAP before it discredits the Left – especially among blacks, gays and those exploring progressive politics for the first time." A former NAP campaign worker, Loren Redwood, gave a much more critical account of her experiences with the party in a 1989 letter to the editor of ''Coming Up!'', a lesbian and gay newspaper published in San Francisco. In the letter, Redwood describes her falling in love with a NAP campaign worker and the difficulties she encountered after joining her lover on the road campaigning for Fulani:
NAP claims to be a multi-racial, black led, woman led, pro gay, political party, an organization which recognizes and fights against racism, sexism, classism and homophobia – but NAP is a lie. NAP is always using the slogan: "the personal is political" and emphasizing the importance of enacting one's politics into daily life. But this vision and the way their politics are enacted within the organization and life of those working for them is very much in conflict. As a working class lesbian, I thought I had finally found a political movement which included me. What I found instead was an oppressive, disempowering, misogynistic machine. All my decisions were made for me by someone else. I was told where to go, and who to go with.
I worked seven days a week – 16 to 20 hours a day (I had two days off in 2.5 months). There was an incredible urgency which overrode any personal needs or considerations, an urgency that meant complete self-sacrifice. I realize now how sexist that is. As a woman, I have always been taught that self-sacrifice is good and that I must be willing to give up everything for the greater good for all. Traditionally, this has come in the form of a husband and children; NAP is simply a substitute. I felt totally powerless over my life, forced into a very submissive role where all control of my life belonged to someone else.In 1989, Newman told ''The New York Times'' that his critics were "being sectarian and refusing to recognize the extraordinary accomplishments" of Fulani and the NAP leadership. Interviewed in the ''Times'' in 1991, Newman described the criticisms as "absurd" and the product of jealousies on the left and claimed that most social therapy clients do not involve themselves in his political activities. In the ''Boston Globe'' in 1992, Fulani claimed "the entire thing is a lie" and cited what she described as Political Research Associates' ties to the Democratic Party. Social psychologist Alexandra Stein wrote a dissertation about the Newman operation. Arguing that it was a cult, Stein stated that members were recruited by therapy sessions and then controlled with fear. Exhausted by overwork and constant crisis, members clung to the organization and its charismatic leader for safety. According to Stein, a member named Marina Ortiz fled only after the group instructed her to put her son in foster care.
Response to allegations
By therapeutic professionals
Some of the cult criticisms have been disputed by some of Newman's peers in the therapeutic milieu. According to British psychologist Ian Parker, "Even those ewman and Holzmanwho have been marked by theBy Newman and Holzman
Newman (along with Holzman) responded to the ongoing controversy in a 2003 interview with John Söderlund, the editor of ''New Therapist'', in a special issue devoted toThese kinds of attacks are ludicrous in the way that the charge of being a witch was in centuries past. A cult is a made-up thing for which (like the made-up witch) there is no falsifiability. An entire mythology can thus be created, complete with attributes and activities that cannot be proven or disproven. Indeed, that's the virtue of such made-up things. They paint a picture that holds you captive.Söderlund asked about the recent focus of the American Psychological Association on the "potential dangers of mind control." Newman replied that he did not quite know what was meant by the term and noted, "The closest association I have to it is what happens between parents and their young children. When children are very young, parents create a very controlled environment where there's a great level of dependency on the parents. Gradually, as children come to experience other kinds of institutions (day care, school, etc.) their lived environment becomes less controlled and their dependency lessens." He explained that he did not think that sort of "totally controlled environment" to be imposable on an adult relationship "outside of the extraordinary circumstances of say,
Newman, et al. vs the FBI
FBI documents obtained in 1992 by thePolitical intelligence reports like he ADL's 1990 report''The New Alliance Party'' and RA's''Clouds Blur the Rainbow'', could not constitutionally be funded by the FBI directly. Organizations like the ADL and PRA engage in political intelligence gathering and political attacks on plaintiffs which the defendants are barred from carrying out directly by the Guidelines. The FBI then distributes the results of those "private" studies to its agents, and gives credibility to the "private" findings by incorporating the reports into files that are then obtained through FOIA by journalists and othersNew Alliance Party vs. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 93 CIV 3490 (1993)In her ruling on the case, Federal Judge
Independence Party seeks to disenroll Newman and Fulani
In September 2005, the New York State Executive Committee of the Independence Party, under the leadership of IPNY State Chairman Frank MacKay, voted to remove Fulani and several other members. In a letter proposing the matter for vote, MacKay stated Fulani et al. had created the perception that the IPNY leadership tolerated "bigotry and hatred" and had "continually re-affirmed their disturbing social commentary in the state and national press." A later petition by MacKay to have Fulani and Newman, among others, disenrolled from the party was entirely dismissed by the New York Supreme Court in both Brooklyn and Manhattan. Manhattan Justice Emily Jane Goodman wrote that "the statements attributed to Fulani and Newman which many would consider odious and offensive were made by them in 1989 and 1985, respectively, and not in their capacity as Independence Party members or officers in the Party which did not even exist at the time." Goodman noted the timing of the petition appeared "more political than philosophical." More to the point, however, the petitioned grounds for disenrollment were ruled invalid because "there are no enunciated standards or requirements for persons registering in the Party."Further controversies and evaluations
The cult charges appeared again in the 2004 Presidential election, and have extended beyond Newman and Fulani to include other independent political challengers, most recently, 2004 independent presidential candidatePersonal life
He was twice married and divorced. He is survived by his son, Donald; his daughter, Elizabeth Newman; and by Gabrielle L. Kurlander and Jacqueline Salit, his life partners in what Ms. Salit described as an "unconventional family of choice."Publications
*Newman, F. and Holzman, L. (in press). All Power to the Developing. To appear in the ''Annual Review of Critical Psychology''. *Holzman, L. and Newman, F. (2004). Power, authority and pointless activity (The developmental discourse of social therapy.) In T. Strong and D. Paré (Eds.), ''Furthering talk: Advances in the discursive therapies'' . Kluwer Academic/Plenum, pp. 73–86. *Newman, F. (2003). Undecidable emotions (What is social therapy? And how is it revolutionary?). ''Journal of Constructivist Psychology'', 16: 215-232. *Power, authority and pointless activity (The developmental discourse of social therapy).*Newman, F. and Holzman, L. (2001). La relevancia de Marx en la Terapeutica del siglo XXI. ''Revista Venezolana de Psicologia Clinica Comunitaria'', No. 2, 47-55. *Newman, F. (2001). Therapists of the world, unite. ''New Therapist''. No. 16. *Newman, F. (2001). Rehaciendo el pasado: Unas cuantas historias exitosas en materia de Terapia Social y sus moralejas. ''Revista Venezolana de Psicologia Clinica Comunitaria'', No. 2, 57-70. *Newman, F. (2000) Does a story need a theory? (understanding the methodology of narrative therapy). In D. Fee (Ed.) ''Pathology and the postmodern: mental illness as discourse and experience''. London: Sage. *Newman F. and Holzman, L. (2000). Against Against-ism. ''Theory & Psychology'', 10(2), 265-270. *Newman, F. and Holzman, L. (2000). Engaging the alienation. ''New Therapist'', 10(4). *Newman, F. and Holzman, L. (2000). The relevance of Marx to therapeutics in the 21st century. ''New Therapist'', 5, 24-27. *Newman, F. (1999). One dogma of dialectical materialism. ''Annual Review of Critical Psychology'', 1. 83-99. *Newman, F. and L. Holzman. (1999). Beyond narrative to performed conversation (in the beginning comes much later). ''Journal of Constructivist Psychology'', 12, 1, 23-40. *Newman, F. and Holzman, L. (1997). ''The end of knowing: A new developmental way of learning.'' London: Routledge. *Newman, F. (1996). ''Performance of a lifetime: A practical-philosophical guide to the joyous life''. New York: Castillo. *Newman, F. and Holzman, L. (1996). ''Unscientific psychology: A cultural-performatory approach to understanding human life''. Westport, CT: Praeger. *Newman, F. (1994). ''Let's develop! A guide to continuous personal growth.'' New York: Castillo International. *Newman, F. and Holzman, L. (1993). ''Lev Vygotsky: Revolutionary scientist''. London: Routledge. *Newman, F. (1992). Surely Castillo is left but is it right or wrong? Nobody knows. ''The Drama Review''. Fall (T135), pp. 24– 27. *Newman, F. (1991). ''The myth of psychology''. New York: Castillo International. *Holzman, L. and Newman, F. (1979). ''The practice of method: An introduction to the foundations of social therapy.'' New York: New York Institute for Social Therapy and Research. *Newman, F. (1977). ''Practical-critical activities''. New York: Institute for Social Therapy. *Newman, F. (1974). ''Power and authority: The inside view of the class struggle''. New York: Centers for Change. *Newman, F., assisted by Daren, Hazel (1974). ''A Manifesto on Method: A Study of the Transformation from the Capitalist Mind to the Fascist Mind''. New York: International Workers Party. *Newman, F. (1968). ''Explanation by description: An essay on historical methodology''. The Hague: Mouton. *Newman, F. (1982). ''Games the New Alliance Party Won't Play''References
External links
*Newman-related websites
Newman's critics
Response to critics