Background
Formation of the Communist Party of the Philippines (1968)
{{main, Communist Party of the Philippines, First Great Rectification Movement {{see also, Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas-1930, Marxism–Leninism–Maoism The originalFounding of the New People's Army (1969)
{{main, New People's Army {{see also, Kumander Dante TheHistory
Formative years of the NPA (1969–1972)
Initial strength and tactics
When Buscayno's forces became the NPA in 1969, they were reported to have only 60 guerrillas and 35 World War II-era guns. At first, the NPA tried to follow the Maoist military doctrine of "establishing stable base areas", but this was abandoned when their forces took heavy casualties in Northern Luzon, in favor of dispersing their forces. The NPA's stockpile of weaponry allegedly grew to 60 guns, but all 60 of these guns were lost in an encounter against the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and they were not able to regain firepower until the defection of Lt. Victor Corpus and the 1970 PMA Armory raid.{{Cite news, last=Soliven, first=Max V., title=Lacson vows: 'There's no turning back – I am running for President!', url=https://www.philstar.com/opinion/2004/02/04/237549/lacson-vows-145there146s-no-turning-back-150-i-am-running-president146, access-date=April 17, 2020 Even on September 23, 1972, when Martial Law was announced, the Philippine National Security Council didn't see the NPA as a big threat. Just a few days earlier on September 19, 1972, the council's threat assessment was "Mythologization by the Marcos administration
Despite the small size of the NPA at the time, the Marcos administration hyped up its formation,{{Cite book , last=Kessler , first=Richard John , url=https://archive.org/details/rebellionrepress0000kess , title=Rebellion and repression in the Philippines , date=1989 , publisher=Yale University Press , isbn=978-0300044065 , location=New Haven , oclc=19266663 , url-access=registration{{rp, page="43" supposedly because this would help build up political and monetary support from the US,{{rp, page="43"{{Cite book , last=Robles , first=Raissa , title=Marcos Martial Law: Never Again , publisher=Filipinos for A Better Philippines, Inc. , year=2016 which was caught up inDecember 1970 PMA Armory raid
The NPA was finally able to regain weaponry on December 29, 1970, whenFirst incidents of violence
According to now retired Brig. GeneralEstablishment of the National Democratic Front (1973)
{{main, National Democratic Front (Philippines) The National Democratic Front was established in 1973 as the political front of the CPP-MLM, bringing together broad revolutionary organizations which accepted their 12-point program, and building international relations with foreign communist parties such as theRapid growth of the NPA under the Marcos martial law era (1972–1986)
{{main, Martial law under Ferdinand Marcos The Communist Party of the Philippines underwent rapid growth from 1972 during the period ofFormation of the CPLA and Mount Data Peace Accord (1986)
{{main, Conrado Balweg, Cordillera People's Liberation Army, Mount Data Peace Accord In 1986, the Cordillera People's Liberation Army was formed when the New People's Army unit led by former priestCorazon Aquino administration (1986–1992)
Release of Political Prisoners and "resurfacing" of activists
After Ferdinand Marcos was deposed during the 1986 EDSA Revolution, presidentMendiola massacre and cessation of peace talks
{{main, Mendiola massacre Preliminary peace talks were held between the new administration and the CPP–NPA–NDF, but these ended when the1992 reaffirmist/rejectionist split
{{main, Second Great Rectification Movement Between the 1970s and 1980s, thousands of volunteers, including youth and teenagers from both urban and rural areas, joined the organization. In 1992, NPA split into two factions: the reaffirmist faction led by Sison and the rejectionist faction which advocated the formation of larger military units and urban insurgencies. Through NPA's history, 13 smaller factions emerged from the group, the most notable being MLPP-RHB, APP, RPA-M, RPM/P– RPA–Ramos administration (1992–1998)
Repeal of the 1957 Anti-Subversion Act
A breakthrough in the peace process between the Government of the Philippines and the Communist Party of the Philippines took place on October 11, 1992, when Republic Act (RA) 1700 – the 1957 Anti-Subversion Act – was repealed by RA 7636 and the government declared a policy of amnesty and reconciliation. This was quickly followed by the Hague Joint Declaration of September 1, 1992, in which the Government of the Philippines and the Communist Party of the Philippines (through the National Democratic Front) agreed to work towards formal negotiations and "a just and lasting peace."1995 JASIG and 1998 CARHRIHL agreements
In 1995, negotiations led to the signing of the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG), under which negotiators on either side of the conflict were assured of "free and safe movement—without fear of search, surveillance, or arrest." In 1998, another agreement, the Comprehensive Agreement to Respect Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) was signed in an effort to protect civilians from the violence between the two parties.Formation of the RPA-ABB (1996)
{{main, Revolutionary Proletarian Army Due to the ideological split known as theFormation of the MLPP-RHB (1998)
{{main, Marxist–Leninist Party of the Philippines In 1998, a group which operates mainly inEstrada administration (1998–2001)
The peace talks broke down soon after the 1998 agreement, however, and conflict between the two parties resumed at high levels afterArroyo administration (2001–2010)
{{Undue weight, section, date=September 2022 In 2001, the AFP launched a campaign of selectiveBenigno Aquino III administration (2010–2016)
{{expand section, more details about incidents which took place between June 30, 2010 and June 29, 2016, date=August 2022 Several efforts to move forward with peace talks between the Government of the Philippines and the CPP, NDFP, and NPA were initiated throughout the administration of PresidentDuterte administration (2016–2022)
In the State of the Nation Address by PresidentMarcos Jr. Administration (2022–present)
Under the administration of President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., peace talks have restarted with aims to end the conflict. On November 22nd, 2023, Marcos Jr. granted amnesty to many political prisoners and former rebels under the aim of "reconciliation," noting that this amnesty covered those who committed crimes "in pursuit of political beliefs." It would not grant amnesty to those guilty of war crimes, kidnapping for ransome, rape, or "other gross violations of human rights." Between 2023 and early 2024, talks weakened, as NPA forces and the military continued skirmishing. Despite the Philippine government claiming on March 2nd, 2025 that the NPA was defeated in Bukidnon, 100 NPA rebels clashed with the army in Bukidnon with an FA-50 fighter jet also going missing two days later. The two pilots in the jet were later found and confirmed dead.Support to the NPA from other countries
{{Undue weight, section, date=September 2022 China provided support to the NPA from 1969 to 1976. After that period, the Chinese ceased all aid, resulting in a five-year period of reduced activity. Despite the setback, the rebellion rekindled with funds fromPeace process
Based on the records of theUnder Corazon Aquino
The first peace talks between the government and the CPP–NPA–NDF took place in the opening months of the Corazon Aquino administration, with formal discussions taking place from August to December 1986. The initial hope was that the new revolutionary government would be able to make peace with CPP–NPA–NDF, the new administration's release of many political prisoners was a reflection of that hope. However, there was considerable distrust between the CPP–NPA–NDF and many of the prominent figures of the Aquino government. Some of these elements were politicians who had been against Marcos, but had nonetheless come from the landholding elite class. Yet others, linked with the political right (such as the members of the Reform the Armed Forces who had inadvertently played a part of the civilian-led People Power revolution), actively pressured the Aquino administration not to have peace talks with the CPP–NPA–NDF. The CPP itself had effectively alienated itself from positions of influence in the new government because they had chosen to boycott theUnder Fidel V. Ramos
After Corazon Aquino, Fidel Ramos won the 1992 Presidential Election to become President of the Philippines. The Ramos administration sought to restart the peace process, putting amnesty and reconciliation policies in place. This resulted in the Hague Joint Declaration of 1992 which aimed towards the holding of formal negotiations so that "a just and lasting peace" could be attained. The parties signed the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) on February 24, 1995, assuring the safety of NDF negotiators and consultants; they then sign the Comprehensive Agreement to Respect Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) on March 16, 1998, with a promise to "confront, remedy and prevent" serious human rights violations" on either side. Formal peace talks continue until the end of Ramos' term in June 1998.Under Joseph Estrada
Peace talks between the government and the CPP–NPA–NDF broke down during the term of Erap Estrada, and did not resume before he was deposed in 2001. Estrada suspended JASIG during this time.Under Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
Peace talks resumed after Gloria Arroyo assumed the presidency, but are suspended after the assassination of Martial Law era intelligence agent turned RAM dissident Rodolfo Aguinaldo, who had since become Governor of Cagayan. Talks finally stall completely in 2002 in the wake of the George W. Bush administration in the U.S. labelling the CPP-NPA as a terrorist organization. Another round of peace talks and the Joint Monitoring Committee of the CARHRIHL is finally established, but the Arroyo administration becomes characterized by redtagging and violence. Peace talks break down in 2004 and do not resume until the end of Arroyo's term.{{Cite news , last=Montalvan , first=Antonio J. II , date=2023-02-20 , title=The blood debts of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo , url=https://www.rappler.com/voices/thought-leaders/opinion-slingshot-blood-debts-gloria-macapagal-arroyo/ , url-status=live , archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230406065927/https://www.rappler.com/voices/thought-leaders/opinion-slingshot-blood-debts-gloria-macapagal-arroyo/ , archive-date=2023-04-06 , access-date=2024-04-16 , work=RapplerUnder Benigno Simeon Aquino III
Peace talks resumed soon after Benigno Simeon Aquino III became president and the armed forces intensify their efforts at security sector reform. But talks soon break down when the NDF demands the end of Oplan Bayanihan and of the government's conditional cash transfer program (4Ps), which the government did not agree to do.Under Rodrigo Duterte
Upon ascending to power in 2016, the Duterte administration started by proposing an accelerated peace plan for talks with the CPP–NPA–NDF. However, it reversed course in February 2017, canceling JASIG, and declared all-out-war on the CPP–NPA–NDF. Further efforts at peace talks were made but these also broke down as the Duterte administration became characterized byIncidents in specific regions and provinces
{{Missing information, section, incidents in provinces other than Samar and Mindanao, date=April 2020Samar
Since the early stages of the rebellion, the island ofMindanao
Prior to Ferdinand Marcos's September 23, 1972 announcement of martial law, the NPA did not have a presence in Mindanao, which was also only seeing the beginnings of the Moro separatist conflict in the form of clashes between the Ilaga and Blackshirt ethnic militias. Marcos's enforcement of martial law radicalized this situation until, as peace advocate Gus Miclat notes: "''When Marcos fled in 1986, the NPA was virtually in all Mindanao provinces, enjoying even a tacit alliance with the MNLF.''""Insurgency free" areas
State of Stable Internal Peace and Security (SIPS) is a designation used by the Philippine government on local government units and regions to indicate that the said area is free from significant influence of communist rebels. Areas with SIPS status are also colloquially referred to as being insurgency free. ;Regions *See also
* Timeline of the communist rebellion in the Philippines *References
{{reflist {{Communism in the Philippines {{The Marcoses {{Philippines topics {{Ongoing military conflicts {{Philippines conflicts {{Post-Cold War Asian conflicts {{Authority control Communist armed conflicts in the Philippines Communist rebellions 20th-century conflicts 21st-century conflicts History of the Philippines (1965–1986) History of the Philippines (1986–present) Maoism in the Philippines Military history of the Philippines Proxy wars Wars involving the Philippines